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                           VOL. I      NO. 1
                                  THE
                          MAGAZINE OF HISTORY
                                  WITH
                           NOTES AND QUERIES
                              JANUARY 1905

                             WILLIAM ABBATT

                      281 FOURTH AVENUE, NEW YORK

       Published Monthly      $5.00 a Year      50 Cents a Number




                        THE MAGAZINE OF HISTORY

                         WITH NOTES AND QUERIES

                 VOL. I      JANUARY, 1905.      NO. 1




                                CONTENTS


 THE BRONZE TABLET ERECTED AT QUEBEC TO
   COMMEMORATE MONTGOMERY’S DEFEAT                        _Frontispiece_
                                                                    PAGE
 THE ORIGIN OF THE MASSACHUSETTS MILITIA             JAMES J. TRACY    1
           Chief of the Massachusetts State Archives Division
 A BIT OF CHURCH HISTORY                         REV. ROSCOE NELSON   10
                   (The First Church, Windsor, Conn.)
 ARNOLD AND MONTGOMERY AT QUEBEC.                    (Illustration)   13
             The Bronze Tablet Commemorating Arnold’s Defeat
 A “SCRUB-POETICAL” ANSWER TO A GOVERNOR            OTIS G. HAMMOND   18
 HAS GOVERNOR LOVELACE OF NEW YORK BEEN
   PROPERLY IDENTIFIED?                               W. G. STANARD   30
 THE INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE OLD SOUTHERN
   CIVILIZATION                                         H. E. BELIN   34
 ANTHONY WALTON WHITE, BRIGADIER IN THE            A. S. GRAHAM and
   CONTINENTAL ARMY                             ANNA M. W. WOODHULL   40
 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS
  Two Eighteenth Century Letters                                      45
  The Panama Canal Twenty-five Years Ago                              48
  The Earliest Known Autograph of Benedict Arnold                     50
 MAGAZINE OF HISTORY NOTICE                                           51
 GENEALOGICAL                                                         53
 MINOR TOPICS: A Committee to Visit Nova Scotia                       56
 BOOK NOTICES                                                         57
 ANNOUNCEMENTS                                                        58

Entered as second-class matter, March 1, 1905, at the Post Office at New
York, N. Y., under the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879.

                  _Copyright, 1905, by William Abbatt_

[Illustration:

  SCENE OF MONTGOMERY’S DEFEAT.

  Tablet placed by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, 1904.
]




                        THE MAGAZINE OF HISTORY

                         WITH NOTES AND QUERIES

                  VOL. I      JANUARY, 1905      NO. 1




                THE ORIGIN OF THE MASSACHUSETTS MILITIA


Prior to the outbreak of the Revolution the militia of the Province of
Massachusetts Bay was governed by the provisions of an act for
regulating the militia, passed in 1693. Although quaint and antiquated
in its provisions, it seems to have sufficed for all practical purposes;
and no other act was passed regulating the militia until the Provincial
Congress, almost at the beginning of its sittings, took steps to place
the militia of the Province upon a different basis in order to find
themselves prepared for the impending contest with the mother country,
which at that date, October, 1774, was patent to all men as an
unavoidable conflict.

It may be interesting to note some of the provisions and requirements
that governed the militia during the Province period under the old act
referred to. The act provided that all male persons from sixteen years
of age to sixty, with certain exceptions, should bear arms and duly
attend all musters and military exercises of the respective troops and
companies wherein they were listed, allowing three months’ time to every
son, next after his coming to sixteen years of age, and to every servant
for the same period after his time was out, to provide themselves with
arms, ammunition, etc. It also provided that, if any person liable to be
listed as aforesaid—_i.e._, as a member of any troop or company, in the
precinct or town where he resided—should avoid service by shifting from
house to house or place to place, to avoid being listed as a member of a
troop or company, he should be fined ten shillings for every offence,
the money to be paid over to the company to which he belonged.
Regimental musters, except in Boston, were to be held but once in three
years; but the act provided that every captain, or chief officer, of a
company or troop, should draw forth his company or troop four days
annually, and no more; to exercise them in motions, the use of arms, and
shooting at marks, or other military exercises. The punishment for any
disorders or contempt committed by any member of a company on a training
day or on a watch was to be by laying neck and heels, riding the wooden
horse, or ten shillings’ fine. The exemptions from training included the
members of the Council, the Representatives for the time being, the
Secretary, Justices of the Peace, the President, Fellows, students, and
servants of Harvard College, Masters of Art, ministers, elders and
deacons of churches, sheriffs, physicians, surgeons, and professed
schoolmasters, all such as had held commissions and served as field
officers or captains, lieutenants or ensigns; coroners, treasurers, the
Attorney-General, deputy sheriffs, clerks of courts, constables,
constant ferrymen, and one miller to each gristmill. In addition there
were exempted officers employed in connection with the Crown Revenue
service, all masters of vessels of thirty tons and upwards, constant
herdsmen, persons lame or otherwise disabled in body (on production of a
certificate from two surgeons), Indians and negroes. It also provided
that where any person could not provide his own arms, corn or other
merchantable provision or vendable goods, to the extent of one-fifth
part more than the value of the arms and ammunition, might be proffered
to the clerk of the company, who was authorized to sell it and thus
provide the person with the necessary arms. In case any were too poor to
even supply merchandise, the arms were to be provided from the town
stock. It also provided that a stock of powder and ammunition should be
held in every town, and from time to time be renewed by the Selectmen.
The necessary stock of powder, arms, and ammunition, was to be secured
by a rate equally and justly laid upon the inhabitants and estates in
such towns; and the rate for this purpose was collected by the
constables, who were authorized, in case of non-payment, to distrain as
for other rates. Under this act the militia of the Province were
governed, and from the militia so authorized were raised the troops who
formed the contingent of Provincials in the various expeditions against
Canada, and proved their natural military capacity and their inherent
quality as good soldiers at the siege of Louisburg, the expedition
against Crown Point, and upon other occasions, as well as in various
minor engagements with the Indian enemy upon the eastern and western
frontiers of the Province.

After the events of the Stamp Act and when it became a certainty that
the colonists could hope for nothing from the tyrannical ministry of
Great Britain, and all thinking men faced the possibility of armed
resistance to the mother country, it became necessary for those
foreseeing the event and in the forefront of the Revolutionary party to
provide a more elastic instrument and one more responsive to their
urgent needs than could be looked for under the old militia act.
Accordingly, in the first Provincial Congress, on the 26th of October,
1774, a committee appointed to consider what was necessary to be done
for the defence and safety of the Province made a report upon which a
resolve was immediately passed, making provision for the appointment of
a Committee of Safety, who were empowered and directed to alarm, muster,
and cause to be assembled, with the utmost expedition, such and so many
of the militia of the Province, completely armed and equipped, as they
might judge necessary for any contingency they might be called upon to
confront. Provision was made for the pay and subsistence of any force
that might be so assembled, and for the appointment of general officers,
inasmuch as some of the officers holding commissions under crown
appointments might have, and no doubt did hold, what were at the time
conservative opinions concerning the causes that had led to the bitter
feeling between the people of the Colonies and the ministers of Great
Britain. It was resolved that such companies as had not already chosen
officers should do so forthwith; and, where said officers should judge
the districts included within the regimental limits too extensive, they
should divide them and adjust their limits, and proceed to elect field
officers to command the regiments, so called. The effect of this action,
when carried out, was to practically redistrict the whole militia of the
Province, and provide them with company officers and field officers that
were in sympathy with the popular feeling; and this change took effect
upon the initiative of what was practically a convention of delegates
from the people, who had assembled in response to a call to take
measures to save the Province from what they considered violation of
their rights and privileges, and from aggressive militarism.


                     THE MINUTE-MEN: WHAT THEY WERE

It was at the same time provided that one-quarter, at least, of the
respective companies in every regiment should be formed into companies
of fifty privates at the least, who were to equip and hold themselves in
readiness to march at the shortest notice from the Committee of Safety
upon any emergency. Each company so formed was to choose a captain and
two lieutenants, and they were to be grouped in battalions to consist of
nine companies each and the captains and subalterns of each battalion
were to elect field officers to command them. These were the minute-men,
and were organized under this resolve, nearly six months before the
affair of April 19, 1775; and the promptness with which they assembled
in response to the alarm upon that memorable occasion is thereby
accounted for. The foregoing statement will also serve to explain what
has been a matter of confusion to many people; namely, the distinction
between minute-men and militia. The minute-men, while of the militia,
were, for a short time at the beginning of the war, a distinct body
under a separate organization. A minute-man was a member of the militia
who had engaged himself, with others, to march at a moment’s warning;
while a militiaman was one who had not so engaged, and yet was equally
liable to be called upon for service, when the Committee of Safety
should deem it necessary to order out the militia. It happened,
therefore, that companies of minute-men and companies of militia from
the same town responded under different commanders to the alarm of April
19, 1775. The service of one was as patriotic as that of the other; but
the minute-men were under special engagement to hold themselves in
readiness to march at a moment’s warning, and you may assume that they
were, as a rule, the youngest, most active, and most patriotic members
of their respective communities.

In December, 1774, a patriotic address by the committee on the state of
the Province was accepted by the Provincial Congress, and a copy thereof
sent to all the towns and districts in the Province. In this address
after a recital of the grievances and oppressions laid upon the people,
and of the necessity of guarding their rights and liberties, it was
recommended that particular care should be taken by each town and
district to equip each of the minute-men not already provided therewith
with an effective firearm, bayonet, pouch, knapsack, thirty rounds of
ball cartridges and that they be disciplined three times a week and
oftener, as opportunity might offer. The militia in general were also
not to be neglected, and their improvement in training and drill was
strongly recommended. Thus early before open hostilities were declared
did the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts take prompt and energetic
measures to place themselves upon a military footing, so as not to be
taken at a disadvantage when the shock of armed strife should occur.

The second Provincial Congress in February, 1775, confirmed the powers
of the Committee of Safety, to whom all military matters were directly
intrusted, repeated the recommendations of the previous Congress
relative to the militia, and appointed four general officers. The
commanding officer of each regiment of minute-men, as well as the
colonels of the militia regiments, were recommended to review their
respective commands and to make return of their number and equipment.
Six days before the 19th of April the Committee of Safety was authorized
to form six companies of the train artillery already provided by the
Colony, to immediately enter upon a course of discipline and be ready to
enter the service whenever an army should be raised.

The events of the historic 19th of April, 1775, brought matters to a
crisis more rapidly than had been anticipated; and, following that
incursion of the British troops (_excursion_ it is sometimes called in
the quaint language of the day, although one would hardly term it a
pleasant one), the Provincial Congress resolved that an army of 13,600
men should be raised immediately by the Province of Massachusetts Bay. A
few days later it was moved and passed that the companies in each
regiment should consist of fifty-nine men, including three officers, and
that each regiment should consist of ten such companies.

The militia and minute-men, as reorganized and prepared in accordance
with the directions of the Provincial Congress, responded with marvelous
promptitude when the call to arms came. Within ten days after the battle
of Lexington between fifteen and twenty thousand men had assembled at
Cambridge and Roxbury. But it was an armed assemblage rather than an
army. There was practically no cohesion beyond the company organization.
They were not accustomed to act with other units as battalions or
regiments. There was no term or limit of service prescribed or that
could be required of these men that came forward in response to the
alarm. Their own patriotic fervor or the persuasiveness of their
officers made the measure of their stay in the service. It was, in
consequence, a fluctuating force from day to day, with arrivals and
departures in constant progress. The problems involved in making it a
united or cohesive force for either aggression or defence would drive
the modern military man frantic. Yet of necessity this force had to
serve as the nucleus of the army it was proposed to raise to serve for
eight months or to December 31, 1775.

The method of recruiting seems odd in these days, but in reality it was
simple enough and was effective at the same time. “Beating orders,” as
they were called, were issued to captains and lieutenants, or rather to
those desiring to be commissioned in such capacities; and, upon their
securing the specified number of men agreeing to serve under them, they
were accepted with their men, and their commissions assured to them. In
this way the men practically chose their officers, while at the same
time each officer in a regiment from the colonel down became his own
recruiting officer, captains and lieutenants in order to fill up their
company strength, and colonels in order to obtain their full quota of
companies. No commissions were issued to any regiment until it was
completed. It was this practice that caused several New Hampshire
companies to be embodied in Massachusetts regiments.

The effectiveness of this method of enlistment can best be judged by the
fact, officially verified, that commissions had been issued to the
officers of fifteen regiments, they having at that time the proper
complement of men. It could not be expected, under the conditions that
prevailed, that an army so hastily gotten together and formed from small
local organizations, totally unused to acting in masses under any
military system as regiments or brigades, should have presented, either
in the matter of discipline or equipment, anything that would commend
itself to the trained military man. One thing, however, all those who
had assembled, whether as minute-men or militia, possessed in common;
and that was the patriotic determination to resist by every means in
their power any further encroachment upon their rights and liberties. A
goodly number of the recruits and many of the officers had served in the
expeditions against Canada; and these were sufficient to leaven the
mass, and communicate by example and precept something of the military
spirit to their younger comrades who had never rendered service in the
field. At that time the army was a Massachusetts army, and in fact it is
so termed in the official documents. The regiments were really what
would be designated in these days as State regiments, being enlisted,
officered, and maintained entirely by Massachusetts. There was no lack
of officers of the higher grades, as there were provided in addition to
the general officers previously named as having been appointed in making
the establishment for the organization of the army, May 23, 1775, one
lieutenant-general, two major-generals, four brigadier-generals, two
adjutant-generals, and two quartermaster-generals.

By June 13, 1775, it had been resolved that twenty-three regiments
should be commissioned, exclusive of one regiment of artillery, which
latter was to consist of ten companies, and had already been partly
organized. Such were the constituent parts of the army organized by
Massachusetts inside of two months after the 19th of April, 1775, from
her local militia; and it was these same raw and undisciplined levies,
assisted by the contingents from the neighboring Colonies, which had
assembled at Cambridge and Roxbury upon news being conveyed to them that
Massachusetts had accepted the gage of battle, who time after time
repelled the attacks of picked regiments of troops of Great Britain,
until compelled to leave the field by lack of ammunition upon the
seventeenth day of June, 1775. No better test of the mettle of the
American militiaman, when converted into a soldier, can be conceived
than was furnished upon that day when a number of these hastily
organized regiments met and shrank not from the attack of trained
soldiers. Although, naturally enough, regarded as a defeat, and,
therefore, in a measure discreditable to the provincials, so much so
that in after years veteran survivors cared not to exploit their
participation in the battle, it really had a tremendous moral effect
upon each side, the provincials being assured thereafter that under
anywhere near like equal conditions they could defeat the British, while
for the enemy there resulted the enforced conviction that the colonists
were not unworthy foes, and that like victory would be altogether too
dearly bought.

The encouragement offered to men to enlist into the eight months’
service would hardly be considered in the light of a very extravagant
bounty in these days. The Provincial Congress provided that a woollen
coat should be supplied to every soldier who enlisted, in addition to
his wages and travel allowance. These coats were to be provided by the
different towns throughout the Province; and a schedule was made up,
allotting a definite number to be furnished by each town. They were to
be of a uniform pattern, as far as the style of the coat was concerned;
but apparently the only distinctive military attachment in connection
with them was the buttons, which it was enacted should be of pewter and
bear the regimental number, when the coats were distributed to the men
belonging to the different organizations. It may well be imagined that
this method of securing coats did not result in very prompt delivery,
and in consequence it was provided later in the year that soldiers might
receive a money equivalent for the value of the coat. Inasmuch as many
of the men served the full term of their enlistment without ever being
gratified with the sight of the promised bounty coat, it is not to be
wondered at that thousands of them accepted the money equivalent, and
received it in some instances after the expiration of their term of
service. With the appointment of Washington as commander-in-chief by the
Continental Congress, the Massachusetts army, raised as I have
described, together with the levies raised by the other Colonies, became
a part of the Continental establishment. The eight months’ men raised by
Massachusetts can properly be regarded accordingly as Continental
soldiers, although originally raised under State auspices, without any
outside encouragement or assistance. The actual transfer of State
stores, supplies, etc., did not take place for some little time after
Washington had taken command at Cambridge; and many of the officers
exercised the duties of their positions under their State commissions,
and did not receive Continental commissions until September or October,
1775.

It may be interesting to note how the effective forces at Washington’s
disposition compared with the authorized number directed to be raised by
the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts. They had provided for an army
of 13,600 men; but on July 10, 1775, Washington expressed his concern at
finding the army inadequate to the general expectation and the duties
which might be required of it. In this communication he states that the
number of men fit for duty of the forces raised by the Province,
including all the outposts and artillery, did not amount to 9000. He
also states that the troops raised in the other Colonies were more
complete, although they also fell short of their establishment; and his
estimate at that time of the total number of men at his disposition
available for duty was not more than 13,500. The proportion, however, of
the troops furnished by the different Colonies, and composing the army
that invested Boston, is shown by a general return, signed by
Adjutant-General Horatio Gates in July, 1775. It gives twenty-six
Massachusetts regiments (an additional regiment not being completed is
not included in the number), four independent companies, also of
Massachusetts, with a regiment of artillery, three Connecticut
regiments, three New Hampshire regiments, three Rhode Island regiments,
and a Rhode Island company of artillery, making altogether a total force
of 17,355 men.

At a council of war, July 9, 1775, it was estimated that the force of
the enemy amounted to 11,500, and that the army investing Boston ought
to consist of at least 22,000 men; and it was recommended, in order to
supply the deficiency, that an officer from each company raised in
Massachusetts Bay should be sent out to recruit all the regiments up to
their standard efficiency as fixed by the Provincial Congress, Rhode
Island and Connecticut being at the time engaged in recruiting for the
purpose of filling up their quotas of troops to the full establishment.
Naturally enough, the commander-in-chief found much to lament over in
the deficiencies both as to number and equipment of the army he found
almost ready made to his hand, and yet so lacking in all things from a
military point of view; but there is little of criticism in his letters
of the period, although they are filled with pleadings, expostulations,
and exhortations for the purpose of bringing up the army to a desired
state of efficiency.

While the enlisted men comprising this eight months’ army held the line
and were being brought more or less under military discipline and
system, there were times when their numbers fell short of the estimated
number required for a besieging army, where it was at any time possible
that the enemy equal in effective force might make an attack and break
the line. It was found necessary from time to time to call forth the
local militia from the towns in the vicinity of Boston to do duty for
longer or shorter periods; but then, as later, the general officers
criticised the efficiency of the militia thus called upon, as they could
not be depended upon for a continuance in camp for any definite period,
or regularity and discipline during the time they might stay. Such
criticism was inevitable, and was applied during the whole term of the
Revolutionary War to the militia contingents that were called forth in
all the Colonies by the officers commanding the regulars or the
Continental forces.

After the expiration of the term of service of the eight months’ men a
call was made for twelve months’ men; and many of those who served the
first term or first campaign, as it was called, both officers and men,
engaged for the second campaign. The organization of the standing
militia thereby became broken up and disrupted by the depletion of the
local organizations. It therefore became necessary to make a
reorganization and redistricting of the militia of the Province. An act
was accordingly passed January 22, 1776, by which this object was
attained. It provided that all able-bodied male persons from sixteen
years of age to fifty, with certain specified exemptions, in every town
and district should be considered members of the train band. The alarm
list should consist of all male persons from sixteen years of age to
sixty-five, not liable to be included in the train band and not exempted
under special provision. Each company was to consist of sixty-eight
privates, exclusive of the alarm list, officered by a captain and two
lieutenants, non-commissioned officers to be four sergeants, four
corporals, with a drummer and fifer for each company. A
brigadier-general was directed to be chosen for each county, and under
him the field officers of the different regiments were authorized to
divide up and district the regiments, each regiment having a colonel,
lieutenant-colonel, and two majors. Three major-generals were also to be
chosen by the Council or House of Representatives. Under this enactment
the county regiments were numbered, officered, and their organizations
established, and from the standing militia thus provided for all
detachments and drafts of Massachusetts militia that were made, either
for short terms of service upon alarms or as re-enforcements to the
Continental Army, were made during the remaining period of the war. This
establishment for the militia continued in force until after the
adoption of the State Constitution in 1780.

  BOSTON.

                                                         JAMES J. TRACY.

    (Read before the Massachusetts Sons of American Revolution, 1904.)




                        A BIT OF CHURCH HISTORY


It is a subject of hope that someone—perhaps he is already cooing in his
cradle and smiling in response to the wondering faces that bend over
him—will be inspired to embody in imperishable epic, the adventurous
deeds of the Puritan and Pilgrim Fathers in the New World. He must be a
child of the Muses. He must have insight to sound the deeper currents of
human motive and action, the instinct for dramatic situations, a feeling
for the concrete in choice and act, and for the individual man. When
that epic appears some cantos of it will relate to the settlements of
the Connecticut valley, and among these old Windsor, to the ancient
church in which place this brief article relates.

We are fortunate in having a memoir of Captain Roger Clapp, a young man
of the company, written expressly for his own descendants, with glowing
religious purpose, but in more than one particular illuminating upon the
history and spirit of that early enterprise. Mr. Clapp’s own case is a
fine exhibition of the process of selection and unification by which a
party was made up of such as were fitted to undertake together the
peculiar task of making a new community in the wilderness. One would
readily guess that the relations of the individuals of such a company
must be somewhat other than those secured by formal agreements and
contracts on paper. They must be bound together by the finest of
affinities, by mutual esteem, by the strength of commanding leadership.
Add to this, of course, a rugged sense of the call and providence of
God. Something of this sort would be essential to business success, not
to say social happiness in the communal life of a new settlement; and if
what Mr. Clapp says of himself is at all representative, such was
actually the case. When a youth, evidently wishing to be
self-supporting, he asked leave of his father to live “abroad,” and went
to live on trial, three miles from Exeter (England). In his own
language: “We went every Lord’s-Day into the City, where were many
famous preachers of the Word of God. I then took such a liking unto the
Revd. Mr. John Warham, that I did desire to live near him: So I removed
(with my Father’s consent) into the city, and lived with one Mr.
Mossiour, as famous a Family for Religion as ever I knew; ... I never so
much as heard of New England until I heard of many godly Persons that
were going there, and that Mr. Warham was to go also.”

Through Mr. Clapp’s personal history we can see in his account of the
organization of the church, how here and there the preparatory process
had been going on in individual lives, and often unconsciously to
themselves men had been getting ready for this joint venture into the
New World. I give his account of the organization somewhat fully: “I
came out of Plymouth in Devon, the 20th of March, and arrived at
Nantasket the 30th of May 1630. Now this is further to inform you, that
there came _Many Godly Families_ in that ship: We were of Passengers
many in Number (besides Sea-men) of good Rank: Two of our Magistrates
come with us, viz., Mr. Rossiter and Mr. Ludlow. These godly People
resolved to live together; and therefore as they had made choice of
these two Revd. Servants of God, Mr. John Warham and Mr. John Maverick
to be their Ministers, so they kept a solemn Day of Fasting in the New
Hospital in Plymouth in England, spending it in Preaching and Praying:
where that worthy Man of God, Mr. John White of Dorchester in Dorset was
present, and Preached unto us the Word of God, in the forepart of the
Day, and in the latter part of the Day, as the People did solemnly make
choice of, and call those godly Ministers to be their Officers, so also
the Revd. Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick did accept thereof, and expressed
the same. So we came, by the good Hand of the Lord, through the Deeps
comfortably; having Preaching or Expounding of the Word of God every Day
for Ten Weeks together, by our Ministers.”

This little Israel, which came over the waters, one hundred and forty
strong, in the good ship _Mary and John_, a craft of 400 tons, were
forced by Capt. Squeb, contrary to his agreement, to disembark in a
forlorn place on Nantasket Point. A place of settlement was soon
selected and named Dorchester. Attracted by the rich Connecticut
meadows, five years later Mr. Warham and the larger portion of his flock
made the difficult overland journey thither, and settled in the
beautiful region which was afterwards called Windsor by “order of the
court.” Thus the First Church of Christ in Windsor goes back beyond
Dorchester to Plymouth in Old England, and has had a continuous
existence from March 20, 1630, to the present as a Congregational Church
of what may be called, for lack of a better term, the orthodox or
Trinitarian variety—a fact that can be affirmed of no other
Congregational Church on the American Continent.

To speak of the members of this church and their numerous descendants,
would take us beyond the limits of this article. A few names will
suggest the significance of this body of Christians on the banks of the
Connecticut, in the life of the nation. Matthew Grant, the clerk of the
church and the town, whose fine records are now in the town clerk’s
office, was the ancestor of Gen. U. S. Grant and the numerous clans of
the Grant family in this country. The hero of Manila Bay is a descendant
of Thomas Dewey, of the old Windsor church. Henry Wolcott, a man of
wealth and social importance in old England, was the ancestor of the
famous Wolcott family, which included two Connecticut governors and men
of note in every generation to the present day. Roger Ludlow, the lawyer
of the settlement, gave legal shape to the democracy of Thomas Hooker in
the Constitution of Connecticut, the first written instrument of the
kind on record. Captain John Mason led the federated colonists to the
number of eighty men against the Pequots, and by no means least, Esther
Warham, the youngest daughter of the minister, a woman of rare charm and
remarkable gifts, was the mother of a mighty race, which has been
distinguished by many illustrious names, chief among whom must be named
her grandson, Jonathan Edwards. Two other men of national renown in
quite different directions are Chief Justice Oliver Ellsworth and Edward
Rowland Sill. Ellsworth was born in Windsor, lived here practically his
whole life save, of course, when he was away on public business, and his
home still remains, now the property of the Connecticut Society of the
D. A. R. He was a devoted member of the church and chairman of the
building committee in charge of the erection of the new house of worship
in 1794, which still remains in excellent condition. The book
containing, among many others, Mr. Ellsworth’s subscription of 100
pounds, with that for like amounts by Dr. Chaffee and Jerijah Barber, is
in possession of the present treasurer. Edward Rowland Sill, the rare
quality of whose poetic genius has won increasing recognition ever since
his early death, was a descendant of Rev. David Rowland, one of the old
Windsor pastors, and was, by immediate family connections as well as the
associations of his own boyhood, a child of the Windsor church, though
he spent the larger part of his mature life elsewhere.

                                                          ROSCOE NELSON.

  WINDSOR, CONN.

[Illustration:

  CORNER OF SAULT AU MATELOT AND ST. JAMES STREETS.

  Tablet placed by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, 1904.
  (The second barricade was across Sous Le Cap Street, behind where
    figure stands.)
]




                    ARNOLD AND MONTGOMERY AT QUEBEC


The last day of December, 1904, was the 128th anniversary of the
unsuccessful attack on Quebec in 1775, and by a coincidence on almost
that very day the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec erected two
bronze tablets to commemorate the event. We are indebted to Mr. F. C.
Würtele, the Secretary of the Society, for the photographs from which
our two illustrations are made—they thus appearing in our pages in
advance even of Canadian journals.

From the newspaper accounts furnished us, we condense:

When the Canadian Government erected monuments on the battlefields of
1812, the invasion of 1775 seemed to have been forgotten, and no
memorials were placed in Quebec to commemorate the signal defeat of the
Continental invaders on the 31st of December, 1775, at the hands of
General Guy Carleton, the savior of Canada to the British Crown.

However, that brave defence has not been forgotten by Quebec’s citizens,
and some time ago at a meeting of the Literary and Historical Society of
Quebec, it was resolved, “That the time has come for the erection of
historic tablets at Pres-de-Ville and the Sault-au-Matelot, in the lower
town of Quebec, relating to the events of 31st of December, 1775, so
important to the destiny of Canada; and as it is within the province of
the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec to erect such memorials, a
committee is hereby appointed on the subject.”

As such memorials would be battlefield monuments, the Federal Government
was petitioned by the society for means to erect suitable historic
tablets at these places. The request was graciously responded to and
splendid memorials in statuary bronze have been erected, one bolted to
the rock where at its base Montgomery was defeated and killed, and the
other on the St. James street gable of the Molsons Bank, as near as
possible to the site of the Sault-au-Matelot barricade, where Arnold was
defeated, and over 400 of his men made prisoners, both events taking
place in the early morning of that memorable last day of December, 1775.
As these bronzes have been placed in position for the anniversary of
that event, a short historic retrospect may be interesting:

One hundred and twenty-nine years have passed since a force under
Montgomery was sent by Lake Champlain to attack Montreal, and another
under Arnold marched from Cambridge, Mass., via the Voyageur trail up
the Kennebec river and across to the source of the river Chaudiere, to
St. Marie and thence by road to Levis opposite Quebec, where, after
considerable hardships throughout the whole journey it arrived, and
crossing the St. Lawrence appeared on the present Cove Fields, on the
14th, was fired on and soon retired to Pointe aux Trembles, where the
arrival of Montgomery from Montreal was waited.

Montgomery carried all before him, taking Sorel, Montreal and Three
Rivers. General Carleton, who was in Montreal, knowing the importance of
Quebec, and that for divers reasons Montreal could not then be defended,
destroyed the government stores and arrived at Quebec on the 19th of
November, where Colonel MacLean, who had preceded him, was preparing for
its defence.

The defences were strengthened and barricades erected and armed in the
Lower Town, in Sault-au-Matelot street, and the present Sous-le-Cap,
also at Pres-de-Ville, where is now the Allan Steamship Company’s
property.

Montgomery arrived on the 1st of December with his army, and Arnold’s
800 raised the attacking force to 2000 men, who proceeded to take
possession of St. Roch’s and erected batteries on the high ground,
Montgomery issued general orders on the 15th December, which were sent
into the town, and a copy is now to be found in the Dominion Archives at
Ottawa:

  (Q. 12. PAGE 30.)

  HEADQUARTERS HOLLAND HOUSE, NEAR QUEBEC.

                                                  _15th December, 1775._

                                                  Countersign—_Adams_.

  Parole—_Connecticut_.

  The General having in vain offered the most favorable terms of
  accommodation to the Governor and having taken every possible step to
  prevail on the inhabitants to desist from seconding him in his wild
  scheme of defence, nothing remains but to pursue vigorous measures for
  the speedy reduction of the only hold possessed by the Ministerial
  troops in the Province. The troops flushed with continual success,
  confident of the justice of their cause and relying on that Providence
  which has uniformly protected them will advance to the attack of works
  incapable of being defended by the wretched garrison posted behind
  them, consisting of sailors unacquainted with the use of arms, of
  citizens incapable of the soldier’s duty and a few miserable
  emigrants. The General is confident a vigorous and spirited attack
  must be attended with success. The troops shall have the effects of
  the Governor, garrison, and of such as have been acting in misleading
  the inhabitants and distressing the friends of liberty, to be equally
  divided among them, each to have the one hundredth share out of the
  whole, which shall be at the disposal of the General and given to such
  soldiers as distinguished themselves by their activity and bravery,
  and sold at public auction. The whole to be conducted as soon as the
  city is in our hands and the inhabitants disarmed.

  The General at Headquarters,

                                                 FERD. WEISENFELS,
                                                     _Major of Brigade_.

The division which was to attack Pres-de-Ville assembled at 2 o’clock A.
M. of the 31st December, at Montgomery’s headquarters, Holland House
(now the property of Frank Ross, Esq.), and headed by Montgomery,
marched across the Plains of Abraham and descended into the beach path,
now Champlain street. Those who were to make the attack by the suburbs
of St. Roch, headed by Arnold, were about 800 strong. The plan was that
Montgomery and Arnold were to meet at the foot of Mountain Hill and
storm the Upper Town.

A heavy northeast snowstorm was raging at 4 o’clock that dark morning
when Montgomery had descended the cliff and advanced along the narrow
beach path, a ledge flanked to the left by the perpendicular cliffs of
Cape Diamond and to the right by a precipitous descent at whose base
flowed the tide of the St. Lawrence.

The Pres-de-Ville barricade and the blockhouse at the narrowest part of
the road was defended by Captain Chabot, Lieut. Picard, 30 Canadian
militiamen, Captain Barnesfare and 15 seamen, Sergeant Hugh McQuarters,
of the Royal Artillery, with several small guns, and Mr. John Coffin, 50
in all. The garrison was alert and saw the head of the column approach
and halt some fifty yards from the barricade, when a man approached to
reconnoitre, and on his return the column continued its advance, when it
was fired on by cannon and musketry, whose first discharge killed
Montgomery, his aides Macpherson and Cheeseman, and 10 men. Thereupon
the rest of the 700 men turned and fled, pursued by the bullets of the
Canadians till there was nothing more to fire at. None behind the
leading sections knew what happened, and the slain, left as they fell,
were buried by the drifting snow, whence their frozen bodies were dug
out later in the day.

Arnold’s column carried the barricade across Sous-le-Cap street,
situated beneath the Half-Moon battery, and were stopped at the second
barricade at the end of that narrow street (quite close to where is now
Molsons Bank), defended by Major Nairne, Dambourges and others, who held
them in check until Captain Laws’ strong party, coming from Palace Gate,
took them in rear and caused their surrender, 427 in all, thus
completing the victory of that morning. Arnold was put out of action
early in the fight by a ball[1] from the ramparts near Palace Gate, when
passing with the leading sections, and was carried to the General
Hospital.

                  *       *       *       *       *

The late Governor-General, Lord Minto, took great interest in the
tablets, and approved of the inscriptions which were submitted for his
consideration.

These tablets, in shield form, are of statuary bronze, with the
lettering cast in relief.

The large one on the rock under Cape Diamond measures six feet three
inches by five feet nine inches, and is thus inscribed:

                              _Here Stood
                          The Undaunted Fifty
                              Safeguarding
                                 Canada
                          Defeating Montgomery
                     At the Pres-de-Ville Barricade
                           On the Last Day of
                                  1775
                              Guy Carleton
                             Commanding at
                                Quebec_

That on Molsons Bank measures two feet ten inches by two feet six
inches, and its legend relates:

                              _Here Stood
                       Her Old and New Defenders
                       Uniting, Guarding, Saving
                                 Canada
                            Defeating Arnold
                   At the Sault-au-Matelot Barricade
                           On the Last Day of
                                  1775
                              Guy Carleton
                             Commanding at
                                Quebec_

[Illustration: [Fleuron]]




                A “SCRUB-POETICAL” ANSWER TO A GOVERNOR


His Excellency Jonathan Belcher, governor of His Majesty’s provinces of
Massachusetts and New Hampshire, must have many times realized what a
very difficult and disagreeable task it is to drive an ill-matched team,
especially when one of them is to all appearances possessed of the Evil
One, and the pole is loose and not to be depended on. Such a team the
governor had in his two provinces, and he was a very busy man.

Massachusetts kept well in the traces and gave him comparatively little
trouble. He lived in Boston, and was thus able to maintain a more
intimate knowledge of the people of that State and the trend of public
opinion than was possible to do in respect to more distant New
Hampshire, where he was relatively a stranger. Though not popular as a
man or as a Crown official, his personal presence in Massachusetts as
governor, with the miniature court, the sumptuous appointments, and the
dignity which accompanied the King’s commission, necessarily had some
effect in steadying the progress of government there.

But in New Hampshire he had many serious problems. A small province both
in population and resources, it had for many years stood between
Massachusetts and the savages, who were continually hovering about the
frontiers, and in this almost constant warfare, and by the costly
vigilance which was necessary even in times of nominal peace, the
province had incurred debts which were a heavy burden on the sparse
population. During the time in which New Hampshire was considered by the
Crown not of sufficient size, wealth, and importance to maintain a
governor of its own, and accordingly yoked with Massachusetts, the power
of granting townships in New Hampshire was, of course, vested in the
governor, and exercised by him under the same royal instructions as in
Massachusetts. The plans and purposes of the government in locating
these grants in New Hampshire are easily seen by their peculiar but
systematic location. They were largely laid out in lines, each line of
towns answering a specific purpose. One line followed the Merrimack
river, Amherst, Bedford, and Goffstown, guarding the west bank of the
main inland waterway of the two provinces. Another line, Concord,
Hopkinton, Henniker, Hillsborough, Warner, and Bradford, formed a
northern frontier, and connected the Merrimack with Washington and
Lempster the most northerly of another line, the Monadnock townships,
which, nine in number, established a perfect connection back to the
Massachusetts line. Still another line, Chesterfield, Westmoreland,
Walpole, and Charlestown, guarded the east bank of the Connecticut. All
these established and maintained a protection for the whole of central
Massachusetts against any incursions of the Indians from the north, and
enclosed large tracts of very valuable land.

The burden of the taxation necessary to pay the expenses of Indian
warfare and maintain the government rested heavily on the people of New
Hampshire, while they were engaged in conflict with the wilderness,
planting the standard of civilization step by step further north and
west. Therefore, when the governor in his recurring messages constantly
besought the Assembly to raise money—to supply funds for repairing Fort
William and Mary, for building a new prison or repairing the old one,
for the expenses of carrying on the boundary line controversy with
Massachusetts—he did not always meet with a cordial reception or a
courteous reply. Money for current expenses and paying old obligations
as fast as possible the Assembly was willing to provide, but little was
to be had for other purposes which did not appear to its members
absolutely and urgently necessary.

A strong opposition to the administration sprang up in New Hampshire,
and manifested itself in an intrigue to procure the governor’s recall.
The opposition was headed by Lieutenant-Governor Dunbar, a pugnacious
Irishman, and Theodore Atkinson and Benning Wentworth, who had been
appointed councillors through the efforts of Dunbar, but whose admission
to the council board Governor Belcher prevented for two years. It was a
strong combination. Dunbar was not possessed of great influence with the
home government aside from that which pertained to his office, but
Wentworth and Atkinson had powerful friends and connections in England,
who were not slow to take advantage of Governor Belcher’s increasing
unpopularity both in America and England. So successful were they, that
when, in 1741, the royal decision on the boundary line was carried into
effect, and New Hampshire finally freed from union with Massachusetts,
Wentworth was commissioned governor of the province and Atkinson became
secretary of the council, equivalent to the present office of secretary
of state.

Governor Belcher was not, however, without friends in New Hampshire, and
the chief of these, perhaps, was Richard Waldron, then secretary of the
council. They were intimate friends, both officially and personally, and
maintained a lively correspondence. Entirely different in character and
disposition, the oddities of each attracted and amused the other. The
governor’s peppery temper gave Waldron many a chance for a jest or a
clever and good-natured retort. But his friends were too few, and the
opposition too strong, and the settlement of the long-disputed boundary
line gave the home government an opportunity too attractive to be lost
for reestablishing the governments of the two provinces on a basis of
complete separation, intended to result in a lasting peace, and the
relief of the Board of Trade and Plantations from continual complaints
and the burden of discussion and decision of what, to them, were but
petty provincial squabbles.

This was, in brief, the general atmosphere of the provinces when
Governor Belcher went to New Hampshire to meet the Assembly in the
winter of 1733–4, and there delivered his regular speech and scolded on
his regular subjects. That he was not considered seriously by all the
inhabitants was not due to any lack of earnestness on his part. The
author of the poetical reply has not yet been ascertained. Suspicion,
however, points to Richard Waldron. The handwriting resembles his, but
cannot be certainly identified.

During the first century of the life of the province no family was more
prominent or carried a larger influence in the public affairs of New
Hampshire than the Waldrons. Whatever may be said of peculiar
characteristics which were displayed by some members of the family, the
early Waldrons were, as a rule, strong, hard-headed pioneers, the type
of men most needed in subduing a hostile wilderness. Later generations
became wealthy, and wealth brought to them education and refinement, as
brains brought distinction, both civil and military.

Secretary Richard Waldron, whom we assume to be the author of the reply
to Governor Belcher’s message, was the son of Richard, and grandson of
Major Richard, who was killed by the Indians at Dover in 1689, and was
born Feb. 21, 1693–4. He was graduated from Harvard in 1712, and soon
removed from Dover to Portsmouth. He was a member of the Governor’s
council, Secretary of the province, and Judge of Probate. It is to the
burning of his house in 1736 that we may charge a considerable loss of
the early New Hampshire archives and records, and the breaks in the
records which were thus created are serious obstacles to the historian
of the present day.

The friendship of Governor Belcher kept Waldron in his office of
Secretary until the end of the Belcher administration, but Governor
Wentworth suspended him from the council, and removed him from the
offices of Secretary and Judge of Probate. In 1749 he was elected
Speaker of the House, which the Governor refused to allow, and a
controversy was created which lasted three years. He died soon after,
August 23, 1753.

The original manuscript of his “Scrub Poetry” is on file with the
Governors’ messages in the archives in the office of the Secretary of
State at Concord, N. H.

On the second day of January, 1733–4, the governor thus addressed the
Council and House of Representatives:

  Gen^t of the Council & House of Representatives.

  By the last ships from London I have received an account of the French
  King’s Declaring War against the Empe^r of Germany with whome his
  Brittanick Maj^{tie} is in alliance & how far this unhappy Rupture may
  lead to a Gen^{ll} War in Europe is uncertaine, however I think it a
  faire Alarm to all his Maj^{ties} Dominions to put themselves in a
  Posture of defence & you cannot but be sensible how naked & Exposed
  this Province is both by Sea and Land. Fort William & Mary at the
  Entrance of this River (the only Fortifications his Maj^{tie} has in
  this Province) you know Lyes in a miserable condition nor are you
  ignorant how often I have prest the Repaire of this Fortress upon the
  Assembly here altho it has forty Guns yet it has for a long time had
  only a Capt a Gunner and two Centinels belonging to it. I hope your
  own Safety as well as his Maj^{ties} Hon^r (at this Critical juncture)
  will put you upon doing what is absolutely necessary in this Important
  affaire.

  I have Gen^t frequent Complaints of the ruinous condition of the Gaole
  of the Province which will Require a large Repaire or Rather
  Rebuilding as soone as may be their being Continual Hazards of Escapes
  thro’ its present Deficiency.

  Gen^t of the House of Representative.

  you very well know there has been no money in the Treasury of the
  Province for neare three years past which has greatly Exposed and
  dishon^d the Kings Goverm^t and has been a Publick Injustice &
  oppression—this with the threatening Aspect abroad (I have no doubt)
  will lead you to make Ample Provision for what I have now mentioned as
  well as for all the other Exigencies of the Goverm^t.

  Gen^t of the Council, & House of Representatives.

  Upon my meeting of the Ass^m of the Mass^{ts} Bay in April last I
  earnestly recommended to them the passing an Order (agreeable to what
  had been done in this Province) for putting a stop (at present) to any
  process in the Law ag^t the Borderers on the disputed Lines of the two
  Provinces. But the Publick Prints have long Since told you it had not
  the desired Success.

  In January Last, I wrote verry fully to the Right Hon^{ble} the Lords
  of Trade praying them to Represent this long unhappy Dispute to his
  Maj^{tie} that there might be an End put to the Contention to which
  letter I have rec^d the Hon^r of their Lordships Answer, Saying they
  hope upon the return of my answer to their Letter no further delay may
  be occasioned to the accomplishing a matter of so much advantage to
  both Provinces and my answer to their Lordships Letter is Long Since
  gone forward and I shall rejoyce in Seeing this troublesome affaire
  bro^t to a happy conclusion.

  Gen^t In whatsoever you can project for his Maj^{ties} Hon^r & Service
  and for the Prosperity of his good Subjects in this Province you Shall
  have my hearty assistance and Consent.

  Jan^r 1^t 1733–4.

                                                             J. BELCHER.

The reply in rhyme is found to follow very closely the official and more
dignified document which was presented to the Governor, and is probably
a versification of the prose message done for the amusement of the
writer only, and never intended for the Governor’s ear. It is endorsed
“Ans^r to y^e Gov^{rs} Speech Jan^y 1733–4. Scrub Poetry.”


                           PUNCH TO SHEARBACK

              Good Sir, what fatall Dreadful things
              The proclamation of French King’s
              War ’gainst Emperour of Germany
              May bring upon this new Country!
              And Else how far it may effect
              Tranquility of Europe great,
              Approaching time must only speak.
              But, Sir, great Britain, wee do hope
              And other powers of Europe,
              By prudent Mediation, may
              Divert unto another day
              Th’ alarming noise of cruell War,
              With which wee so frightened are,
              And then conclude a happy peace,
              That war & war’s alarms may cease.
              And this wee do believe full well,
              Because, Great Sir, you did not tell
              In Speech to us you lately made
              The advise came from Board of Trade.
              For surely wee do apprehend
              That they would forward to us send
              There timely wise Direction,
              If of war they had Conception.[2]
              If with such sums wee should Supply
              The present wants of Treasury,
              As wee do Judge Sufficient are,
              The Walls & Towers to repair
              Of Old Fort William and Mary,
              And to pay poor Jos. & Harry;
              If wee the Prison should rebuild,
              Our promises not yet fulfill’d,
              Together with the gen’rall Tax
              Already laid by sev’ral Acts
              For repaying and for drownding,
              For Sinking & for Confounding
              Money borrowed heretofore,
              When Indians bad in Days of yore,
              Like Dastard sons of Swarthy whore,
              Proclaim’d a sad Unnatural War;
              These things (if wee are right) wee Count,
              To Sums so large would sure amount,
              As Constable would not be able,
              On Poles[3] & ’states (O Lamentable)
              Of Subjects good of Majesty,
              To gather in a Subsidy.
              And such an Act would surely be
              A great and sore Calamity,
              And war itself by far outvye.
              Which, should this house be Instrumental in,
              It would not only much dishonour King,
              But of Oppression be a peice,
              And savour much of Injustice;
              And wee presume you well do know
              Peices this House are strangers to.
              And to prevent such Imputations,
              Wee once did, in December Sessions,[4]
              An act pass for the Emitting
              Pounds Six thousand paper bills in,
              To repair William and Mary,
              Treasury also to supply,
              Which did both houses pass, ’tis said,
              With the act which Courts Removed
              From Portsmouth, O Unhappy Mischance!
              To Towns from us a greater Distance.
              And to say truth, O strange mistake!
              Wee thought one Common happy fate
              Would both these Laws attend,
              And money stand poor Portsmouth Friend.
              But your Excellence approved
              That the Courts should be removed,
              And the poor Ready money Act
              Was into Breeches pocket clapt
              Till pleasure of his Majesty
              Be known to your Excellency,
              Since which three Years are gon & past,
              And yet this Act doth hang an Arse.

              This House hath also often, too,
              Made Estimate exact & true
              Of province Debts, as well as Creditt,
              (And being in debt have never paid it).
              Into the Treasury wee voted
              That what was due should be transported,
              For to pay of the claims of Many,
              Tho’ wee design’d not to pay any;
              Which being sent down Non concur’d,
              A written Message did Afford,
              (And by the way a strange one, too).

[An explanation here seems necessary, beyond the possibilities of a
foot-note.

March 6, 1732–3, the House passed a bill for emitting £20,000 in paper
money. The province was much in debt on account of Indian warfare,
repairing and maintaining fortifications, etc., and provision for
payment of this debt had been made by heavy taxes to continue annually
until 1742. But money was very scarce, and the House considered that the
people would be unable to pay the taxes laid upon them for the want of a
proper medium. Therefore this £20,000 was to be placed in the hands of a
committee, to be loaned to the people at 5% interest for sixteen years,
and the principal of each loan was to be paid at the rate of 25% each
year for the four years next following the term of sixteen years for
which the loan was made. And for the supply of the treasury for the time
before the first interest payment was due, a further sum of £1,000 was
to be issued. The council, however, was unanimous in refusing to concur
with the House on this bill.

The House attempted to bring about a compromise by reducing the loan
term to eight years and by other changes in the original bill, but was
not successful, the Governor claiming that the approval of such a bill
would be contrary to his instructions.

Finally, March 9, the House addressed a message to the Governor, in
which the council is charged with saying that the House had nothing to
do with the matter of issuing money; and the House further defends its
action and position thus: “Now this House thinks they have and ought to
have a vote in the disposall of all Publick money and that the Board
were formerly of this opinion appears by their Sending down Mr.
Atkinson’s account to be past upon in the last Sessions. So that, that
money is Still unapplyed notwithstanding the Said Atkinson hath declared
his readiness to pay the Same. So that the House can See no other way of
Supplying the Treasury without oppressing the People whome we Represent
than what they have come into. Wherefore this House are humbly of
opinion that it will greatly tend to the Prosperity and welfare of his
Maj^{ties} Subjects of this Province to address his Maj^{tie} by the
hand of our agent to obtaine his Royall leave for a further Emission of
Paper Currency more Especially Since your Excell^y has informed this
House that you cant consent to. It being contrary to his Maj^{ties}
Royal Instruction to your Excell^y and if the Hon^{ble} Council Should
think proper to appoint a com’ittee to Joyne with a Com’ittee of this
House for the Ends aforesaid we are humbly of Opinion it would be
attended with the desired effect.”

The next day, March 10, the council sent down a sharp and angry reply,
as follows:

“Whereas in a Mess^a from the Hon^{ble} House to his Excellency the
forenoon bearing date the 9th Curr^t & Sent up this day and communicated
to the Council There are Sundry things mentioned which Seem to cast an
Odium on the Council as tho it lay at their door that there is not a due
Supply of the Treasury to which the Council in justice to themselves are
oblidged to Say that the reason of their non-concurrence to the 20000£
Bills on Loan was (as the House has been Heretofore once and againe
Informed) because the Emission of Bills on Loan is directly contrary to
his Maj^{tie} Royal Instructions And as to the thousand pounds Mentioned
for the im’ediate Supply of the Treasury it was couched in the Twenty
thousand pound Bills from whence tis plaine that the House never
intended one Should pass without the other but that if the thousand
pounds for the Supply of the Treasury would not tempt the Council to
break this the Kings Instruction their complyance with the Kings
Instruction Should defeat the Supply of the Treasury but if they had a
Sincere disposition to Supply the Treasury as they pretended and Sent up
a Bill for the Same they would have soon seen the heartiness of the
Council in doing their Duty to his Maj^{tie} and the utmost Justice to
this Province by the rediest concurrence as to the Interest of the 1730£
the Council have been long Endeavouring that that Loan Might by some
means or other be beneficial to the Publick Tho to their great grief by
the disappointment of their attempts in the Honb^{ble} House Private
psons have enjoyed the benefit of that money at 2½ p Ct when there have
been many that would gladly have given more than double yea treble for
the same if they might have been favoured with it and the Council have
this day Sent down a vote for the Setting that Loan at 6 p C^t for 2
years instead of 2½ p Ct in order to Ease the Tax of the Province which
has at last Succeeded as to the Money in Mr. Atkinsons hands which he
recd of Hughs’s Estate long agoe and which ought for Several years past
to have been in the Treasury the Council presume his Excell^y will take
a due Care that that £292 Ball^{ce} Settled under his hands be paid by a
Course of Law Since there is no prospect of its being done without it
even after So much indulgence to him who has been So notoriously
delinquent to the vast dishon^r of the Goverm^t & unspeakable oppression
of Sundry poor distressed Creatures to whome the Province is indebted—as
to the Houses Saying they ought to have a vote in the Disposal of the
Publick Money the Council Reply when they the Council think proper to
deny that Point in Politicks it will be time En^o for them to form an
argum^t against it but that is not yet got unto the Question for saying
the House of Representatives have nothing to do with a Confiscation or a
forfeiture to his Maj^{tie} by a Judgm^t in Court Is not Saying the
House have nothing to do with the disposal of Publick Money unless it
[is] So by some Logick in the House w^{ch} the Council have not
Learn’d—As to Mr. Atkinsons declaration of his readiness to pay the
Money in his hands what is there in it did he not declare heretofore
even in the House and most Solemnly at the Council Board too that he
would pay part of his Debt at Such a time and the Residue in a Short
Space after & are not the terms long Since Expired But are the paym^{ts}
made let the Treasurers accounts answer which Say no not one penny why
then Gen^t Should you trouble your Selves in making Such a mess^a &
boasting of Such declarations the Council might further verry well
observe too that the Scheme of the House for an audit to be appointed by
the Gen^{ll} Court to Examine a Sheriffs Return of an Execution is
intirely new however is a full Evidence that the House have been much
bent on trifling as to what the House propose of the Councils Joyning
with them in addressing his majesty by the hand of our our agent as they
express it) &c the Council Say they know of no Person So qualified But
if the House mean Cap^t John Rindge, Marriner then they answer That when
it appears to them that his Capacity & other Quallifications are Equal
to Such a Trust & he is hon^d with a Comiss^n for that place the Council
will readyly do w^t is proper on those heads.”]

            They say the House had nought to do
            With money to the province due,
            And by which means that Money
            Still is out of Treasury,
            As also is the Interest
            (As some do say who know it best)
            Of pounds more than seventeen hundred,
            And is not this much to be wondred,
            Which the verry last assembly
            Voted into the Treasury.
            And if any wicked elf
            Refused, for the sake of pelf,
            To pay the Interest then due,
            Also his Bonds for to renew,
            Then Speaker he the Bonds must see,
            And Borrower to Hampton send,
            His Destiny there to attend.
            Butt, Oh! when Mortals most are pleas’d,
            How Subject are they to be Teaz’d!
            The house disolv’d,[5] the Speakers gone,
            And none the Affair can carry on,
            Which to the province, and to us,
            Has been occasion of much loss.
            And this wee hope will imputation
            Of Injustice or Oppression
            Take from a Guilty Generation,
            And so Confirm the good Opinion
            You express’d towards us whilome,
            By saying that wee always acted
            What a good and gracious King expected,
            A Charracter wee always merritted,
            And so shall never be Dispirritted.
            Wee think it then our Duty is
            His Majesty for to address,
            That wee may Cash sometimes Emitt,
            (You know ’tis Money that buys wit),
            Upon this province’s Credit.
            And so wee hope for the Concurrence
            Of the Council & Your Excellence.

            Of the house you do receive the Thanks
            For telling of the Circumstance
            Of Borderers on line distressed,[6]
            And staying process ’gainst th’ Oppressed,
            Unto your other Government,
            Tho’ what you said had no Effect.

            Some of these towns, being offended,
            Money at Law have much expended.
            And is not this a Dismal sound?
            Some say ’tis full a thousand pound,
            Besides there time and loss of Ground.
            But this, by what in yours you said,
            And the Success our agent[7] had,
            When at great Britain he resided,
            Gives hopes that soon ’twill be decided.
            For Copy, wee do Understand,
            Of Memoriall from the Land.

            From King and Council hath been sent
            To Massachusetts Government
            For answer, (if wee right remember),
            By the first day of Last November.
            After which wee dare boldly say
            Wee hope there will be no Delay.

            Wee beg leave to tell you next,
            That wee are met with good pretext,
            Such things Determined to act
            As C——k May in our Noddles pack;
            Which wee conceive was the Intent
            Of those whom we do represent—
                                            OTIS G. HAMMOND.

  CONCORD, N. H.




      HAS GOVERNOR LOVELACE OF NEW YORK BEEN PROPERLY IDENTIFIED?


I am not sufficiently acquainted with the details of historical
investigation in New York to know whether there has ever been any doubt
as to the identity (or rather the family) of Governor Lovelace; but I
presume that the Dictionary of National Biography gives the generally
accepted account when it states that he was the second son of Richard,
first Baron Lovelace.

Recently the examination of some old documents has led me to the belief
that the Governor of New York was of a much more distinguished kinship
than that which has been usually assigned to him. To most of us the
Lords Lovelace are only known by a passing reference in Macaulay; but
the author of the two songs to Althea and Lucasta is one of the
immortals.

In a volume in the Congressional Library, which was bought from
President Jefferson and which contains copies of miscellaneous
historical records relating to Virginia, are two documents signed by
Francis Lovelace, Governor of New York.

The first of these is a letter evidently written to Governor Berkeley of
Virginia. It is as follows:

  “DEARE SIR:

  Since my last to you sent by M^r Machen in answere to yo^{rs} I
  received a letter from Mr. Tho: Todd of Mockjack bay who being
  appointed Guardian to the will Whitbey’s son by my neece M^{rs} Ruth
  Gorsuch he having hitherto taken great care and paines in the
  adjusting his interest in severall plantations being devolve to him by
  the death of his father M^r Tod desired me to signify to you that this
  lad I have brought over is the recitable child, and heare to M^r
  Whitby w^ch by these I declare to be soe and if you be satisfyed
  w^{th} this relacon w^ch I assure you upon the faith of a Xtian and
  Honor of a gentleman you may rest assured of it but if the Ceremony of
  an oath be requisite, I shalbe ready (if desired as necessary) to make
  my Deposicon of it, and I shall furt^r desire of you that when an
  application is made to you in his behalfe you would affourd him what
  favo^r and Countenance the Justness of his Cause & p^rtentions will
  beare he is now an orphant & I have been at considerable charge both
  to his transport education & clothing expecting noe other retorne but
  when he is in a capacity to make it onely to reimburse me with what I
  have expended for him, S^r I know his cause is safe in yo^r hands to
  whome I must refer him & the experience all that know you have of yo^r
  Justice & Compan * * [?] in p’tecting the fatherles shalbe argum^{ts}
  sufficient that I shall not miscarry in these my desires for him in
  gratitude of w^{ch} I can pay noe other returne but if you please to
  prepare any service for me you shall find me most ready to obey it
  when you reflect upon what I subscribe w^{ch} is

  Yo^r most assured fathfull serv^t

                                                         FRAN: LOVELACE.

  From y^e Barbadoes I hear yo^r Bro: Ld Berkeley is designed to be
  Governor but the truth I refer to your Consideracon. M^r Winthrop
  Newley sent me This newes w^{ch} here inclosed will kisse yo^r hands
  adue

           Jeames ffort 6^{th} Decemb^r
               1669      Rec^r p. RICH. AWBORNE
                                           Jan: ye 7^{th} 1668”

Richard Awborne was clerk of the Virginia Council, and this letter was
evidently recorded for young Whitby’s benefit.

  The other paper is entitled “Resolutions for the settlem^t of Comerce
  to and from all his Maj^{ties} Plantations in America, and other
  places to the port of New York & the rest of his Royall Highnes his
  Territoryes not p’hibited by act of Parliam^t” and concludes “Given
  und^r my hand at ffort James in New York on Manhatans Island the
  18^{th} day of November 1668

                                                         FRAN: LOVELACE”

This also had been copied into the Virginia records and attested by
Awborne.

In the present discussion this last paper is valuable as proving that
the writer of the letter to Berkeley was certainly Governor Lovelace of
New York.

The chain of evidence which appears to contradict the commonly accepted
statement in regard to Governor Lovelace’s family begins with the
pedigree of a family of Gorsuch in the Visitation of London, 1633–4.
(Harleian Society, p. 327.) In this pedigree it is stated that John
Gorsuch, rector of Walkhome, Hertfordshire, 1633, married Anne, daughter
of Sir William Lovelace, of Kent, Knight, and had the following children
at the time of the visitation: 1. Daniel “about 4a^o 1633”; 2. John; 3.
William; 4. Cathrin.

On April 1st, 1657, Richard, Robert and Charles Gorsuch, sons and
co-heirs of John Gorsuch, “P’fessor in Divinity,” petitioned the Court
of Lancaster County, Va., that their sister Katherine Whitby might be
their guardian for “such estate as doth in any ways belong to them in
England,” and that Francis Moryson [afterwards governor of Virginia] be
their guardian for Virginia. Shortly afterwards all of these boys
removed to the Eastern Shore of Maryland. The records of that colony not
only make notice of them, but also show that they had another brother
Lovelace Gorsuch, and a sister Anne, who married Thomas Todd, of
Mockjack (now Mobjack) Bay, Gloucester County, Va.

The Quaker records of West River, Maryland, contain the records of the
marriage, in 1690, of Charles Gorsuch, “son of John and Anne Gorsuch, of
the Kingdom of England, deceased,” and Anne Hawkins. In 1669, Charles
and Lovelace Gorsuch confirmed title to certain land which had been
granted to Lovelace Gorsuch in 1661. On Jan. 13, 1676–7, Mrs. Anne Todd
made a deed to her children and appointed her brother, Chas. Gorsuch,
trustee. It seems certain that that John Gorsuch, the “P’fessor in
Divinity,” was identical with Rev. John Gorsuch of Walkhome, who married
Anne, daughter of Sir William Lovelace, of Kent, and that one of his
daughters, Ruth, married William Whitby, of Virginia, while another,
Anne, married Thomas Todd, of the same colony. This explains at once why
Thomas Todd was appointed, as stated by Governor Lovelace, guardian to
William Whitby, Jr. Young Whitby was the nephew of Todd’s wife.

When these facts are made clear the rest of the identification of
Governor Lovelace seems easy. Sir William Lovelace, of Kent, the father
of Mrs. Anne Gorsuch, was also the father of Richard Lovelace, the poet.
The other sons of Sir William were “Col. Francis” (of “Lucasta”), Thomas
and Dudley. The Dictionary of National Biography only knows of Col.
Francis Lovelace, that he served the Royalist Cause in Wales and
commanded Caermarthen from June, 1664, until it was captured by
Langhorne in October, 1645. From Governor Lovelace’s friendship with
Berkeley it seems very probable that it was indeed he (and not the son
of Lord Lovelace as stated in the D. N. B.) who received license from
the Council in 1650 to go to Virginia, and who in May, 1652, was sent by
Berkeley to inform Charles II. of the surrender of Virginia to the
Parliamentary forces.

Francis Lovelace and the members of the Gorsuch family evidently came in
the large royalist emigration to Virginia during the Civil War.

In conclusion it may be worth while to trace Governor Lovelace’s kinsman
and protégé, William Whitby.

William Whitby, the elder, the husband of Ruth Gorsuch, lived in Warwick
County, Va., and was Speaker of the House of Burgesses in 1653. He
received two considerable grants of land, one in Warwick, where he
lived, and another on Potomac Creek.

The son resided in Middlesex County, Va., and appears to have led an
uneventful life, and to have died unmarried. His will, as that of
“William Whitby, of Pyanketank River in the County of Middlesex,
planter,” was dated July, 1676, and proved July 23, 1677. He gave “to
Major Robert Beverley £100, Mrs. Mary Kibble [Keeble] £100, and my
brother, Joseph Summers £200, all out of a rent due me out of Kent in
England”; John Cocking to have 700 acres, and John Wright 500, both on
Moratico Creek; his land on Potomac Creek to be divided equally between
his brother, Joseph Summers, and Mrs. Mary Kibble, and also makes a
bequest to Thomas Todd. Summers and Beverly, executors.

The following chart shows the relationship which would seem from the
records cited to be correct:

                                  Sir Wm. Lovelace=
                                       of Kent    |
                      +----------+-----------+----+------+----------------+
                      |          |           |           |                |
   Rev. John Gorsuch=Anne     Francis     Richard      Thomas           Dudley
                    |       Governor of     the    served in N. Y.   served in N. Y.
                    |        New York       Poet     under Gov.        under Gov.
                    |                                 Lovelace         Lovelace
                    |
   --+-------+------+---------+----------+------------+---------+--------+--------+----
     |       |      |         |          |            |         |        |        |
   Daniel  John  William  Katherine    Ruth         Anne     Richard  Charles   Robert
                             m.         m.           m.                        Lovelace
                          —Whitby   Wm. Whitby  Thos. Todd
                                       of Va.      of Va.

                                                          W. G. STANARD.

  RICHMOND, VA.

  NOTE—Since the above was written I have recalled the account of “The
  Interment of William Lovelace, N. Y., 1671.” This, in mentioning
  Thomas and Dudley Lovelace, as brothers of the Governor, corroborates
  the genealogy I have given.—W. G. S.




       THE INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE OLD SOUTHERN CIVILIZATION


Now that the “Old South” has passed away as utterly as the ancient
kingdoms of Babylon and Assyria, before the very memory of her shall
have faded from the earth, it may not be without interest to thoughtful
readers to endeavor to trace the cause which produced the striking
dissimilarity between her civilization and that of the Northern States
of the Union. That such dissimilarity existed is beyond dispute; it only
remains, therefore, to attempt to explain it. Beginning National life,
as did the thirteen original colonies, under the same general
conditions; with the heritage of a common origin, a common language, and
a common faith, what influence was it which, within the term of a
hundred years, was potent enough to effect so great a change in the
habits, the manners, and the character of the people of the two
sections?

Was the institution of Slavery mainly responsible for this result? I
believe that it was.

While due allowance must be made for climatic and other local
conditions, the institution of slavery, in its direct and indirect
effects upon the Southern people, appears to be by far the most
important factor in the equation.

Let us briefly consider the subject. On the colonial history of the
Southern States, it is unnecessary to dwell. Suffice it to say, that
while thoroughly imbued with the spirit of independence and taking a
leading part in the struggle of 1776, in this course the South was
actuated by a desire to assert its abstract rights, and to stand loyally
by its sister colonies of the North, rather than by any personal
grievance, or feeling of animosity towards the Mother Country.

Between the Southern States themselves, there were strongly marked
differences, each possessing its own distinctly individual character.
But in essentials, the family likeness between them was strong enough to
make any one member of the group a typical representative of the whole,
so far as the outside world was concerned. Bound indissolubly together
by that common bond,—the institution of slavery,—in politics they were
equally united. From those early days when the American Government was
in its formative stage, down to the period of the Civil War in 1861, the
South stood always a solid unit for republican principles as imbodied in
the Constitution of the United States, and exemplified in the cardinal
Southern doctrine of “States’ Rights.”

The term “democracy” as applied to the South is a total misnomer, and
its application furnishes one of the many curious anomalies to be found
in American political history. But this history is too tangled a skein
to be unravelled here. Enough to say that the Old South was never a
democracy, properly so called; on the contrary, it was an oligarchy of
the most pronounced and exclusive type, its population being sharply
divided into two classes, patrician and plebeian—the governing and the
governed. Nay more, although nominally the entire white population
belonged in the first category (and was therefore eligible for public
office), practically the franchise was confined to the educated and
property-holding class alone, the “poor whites” of the South being too
numerically weak and insignificant to be an appreciable power in
politics.

Thus it came about that, from first to last, in this fundamental
particular the South differed from every other section of the Republic;
and this difference was the direct result of the Institution of Slavery.

Secondly: The economic conditions existing at the South were totally
unlike those in other parts of the country. The Old South was,
emphatically, a community of agriculturists; and of all modes of making
a livelihood agriculture is the one least liable to violent fluctuations
and sudden collapse. It is true that in the South wealth never rolled up
into the millions, and, judged by present standards, bank accounts were
by no means imposing in round numbers; but all the real advantages and
immunities that wealth can give were enjoyed by the Southern people who,
as a class, were in possession of an assured income sufficient not only
for the supply of their necessities, but for the gratification of their
tastes as well. And in those days there was a solidity and a stability
about men’s financial affairs which effectually removed from them the
pressure of anxiety for the future, and protected them from that
feverish, harassing mental strain only too well-known elsewhere.

And here again, we come face to face with that basal fact—“the
institution”—on which rested the whole industrial system of the South.

Again: The intimate relation necessarily existing between economic and
social conditions would lead us to infer that conservatism was the great
law of Southern society. And in truth, permanence and continuity were
its most marked characteristics. The fluctuations and vicissitudes which
formed so striking a feature of Northern social life were practically
unknown at the South. From generation to generation, men occupied the
same habitations, pursued the same callings and held the same place in
the community; and, as a rule, the father’s social status determined
that of the son, and the son’s son after him. Thus was created and
preserved a social atmosphere only attainable under these peculiar
conditions; and the effect of such a social environment upon the whole
tone of the people may readily be conceived.

In the South, for example, the spirit of commercialism was noticeably
absent. Wealth was not there regarded as the “be all” and the “end all”
of existence—the standard by which to measure the sum of human
achievement. Nor was a money value affixed to the thousand and one
little services passing current in the community. These were regarded
simply as small social courtesies due from neighbor to neighbor, and
were freely rendered and as freely accepted, without a thought of
pecuniary obligation on either side.

An equally distinguishing characteristic of Southern society was the
position universally accorded to woman. Southern chivalry has frequently
been made a target for ridicule, as a “survival” from the Dark Ages; but
the elevating and refining influence it exercised upon the public tone
was assuredly a most salutary one. And although, in the light of later
developments, it must be conceded that the old Southern idea of woman’s
helplessness and absolute dependence upon man for support and
protection, savored somewhat of Quixotism, the spirit of knight-errantry
fostered thereby was a wholesome one, in that it acted both as an
incentive to exertion and as an antidote to selfishness. Even the “code
of the duello,” while of course indefensible in principle, had something
to be urged in its favor for, beyond doubt, it exerted a restraining
influence over a hot-blooded people and made for order in the land.

I have said that as a political entity the South consisted of two
classes—the governing and the governed. In its social structure,
however, it was far more complex. Tier above tier rose the social
pyramid, ever narrowing as it neared the apex, on which delectable
elevation rested those favored mortals “born in the purple,” placidly
secure in their social preeminence. Society, that inevitable product of
civilization, is, all the world over, composed of orders and degrees,
but whereas at the North these several gradations merged almost
imperceptibly one into another, at the South they were divided by very
sharply drawn lines of demarcation. The tradesman, the artisan, the
mechanic stood quite apart from the professional classes and the
landed-proprietors. In every age and in every clime talent will assert
itself and rise to the top; and to this rule the South was no exception.
But comparatively speaking, south of Mason and Dixon’s line there were
to be found few “self-made” men, and those few were almost without
exception, men intellectually gifted, who had climbed the social ladder
by the rounds of fame rather than of fortune.

This, however, is a digression; our present purpose being, not to
uncover, fold by fold, the inner intricacies of Southern society, but to
present a broad and inclusive view of that society as a whole, and as
contrasted with the society of other sections. Perhaps this may best be
done by treating the subject somewhat in detail.

In a recent criticism of a Western poet the reviewer remarked that
whatever the poet’s shortcomings might be, his descriptions of homely
rural life must strike a responsive chord in the hearts of his readers
all over the country, carrying them back to scenes and phases of life
with which in youth they were familiar. Now, as a matter of fact, not a
single one of these allusions could awaken an answering echo in a
Southern breast! Descriptions of farm life with its round of labors
performed by the fanner’s own hands, might be interesting reading enough
to the Southerner, but the interest would be that of novelty not of
familiarity. For never in the days of his youth had he himself “driven
the plough,” or joined as a worker in the jocund mirth of a “harvest
home.” Neither would he recognize in the portraiture of the “village
worthies” the companions of his own youth; and rustic wit and rustic
manners were equally apart from his personal experiences.

Not by any means that the lot of the Southern planter was always easier
than that of the Northern farmer. Hard work most generally fell to his
share. Early to rise and late to rest, he toiled as arduously and as
unremittingly as his Northern brother, but the toil was of a different
sort. It consisted not in literally putting his own shoulder to the
wheel, but in training, directing, and supervising the labors of others,
and often (hardest and most harassing work of all) in contriving how to
supply the wants of his numerous dependants. Supreme autocrat within his
own domain, the very consciousness of his power created in him a sense
of responsibility, which produced a strength and gravity of character
and a certain dignity of bearing. Born to control, from his cradle the
Southern land owner was trained to regard himself as the natural
protector, provider, and friend of the weak and the helpless. Thus,
while the environment of the Northern farmer was calculated to make him
think first of his own personal needs and his duty to himself, that of
the Southern planter as naturally impressed upon him the duty he owed to
those by whom he was surrounded.

Such was his work. His pleasures consisted chiefly in
field-sports—hunting, fishing, riding, boating—he was usually a keen
sportsman and a capital rider and sometimes, though not so frequently, a
great reader as well.

If for the most part not scholars, however, Southern men could at least
generally lay claim to a collegiate education. And whether it was due to
vague recollections of classic lore, and lingering memories of Alma
Mater, or to the tone of the home atmosphere by which they were
surrounded (which is, after all, the truly effective educating
influence), certain it is that, as a rule, their manners were polished
and their modes of expression those of the “classes,” not of the
“masses.”

The Southern matron was noted for her administrative rather than for her
executive ability. Not that, generally speaking, her days were passed in
idleness; on the contrary, her life was usually a full and beneficent
one, including not only her domestic avocations—among which may be
mentioned the now well-nigh forgotten accomplishments of cookery and
fine needlework—but the many good offices of a Lady Bountiful which she
graciously dispensed among her numerous dependants; plantation life
affording ample scope for her activities in this direction. But the
menial drudgery of a household did not devolve upon its mistress; and,
in consequence, she had at her command an abundant portion of that
leisure which—while not a _sine qua non_ as regards strictly
intellectual acquirement—is undoubtedly essential to the cultivation of
the mental graces. Truth to say, as a class, Southern women were more
distinguished for their soft femininity and finished refinement of
manner than for their erudition. By which I am far from implying that
they ignored grammar; much less that—in common with their male
relatives—they used the negro-dialect. As a matter of fact indeed, by no
people was purer _dictionary_ English spoken, than by the upper-class in
the Old South.

In its whole internal arrangement and frictionless daily routine the
homelife of the South much more nearly resembled that of the English
gentry, than that of the dwellers in the Northern States of the Union.
Thanks to “the institution,” the household machine was too complex a
mechanism ever to be thrown completely out of gear, the direful domestic
problems so often confronting the Northern housewife being at the South
entirely unknown. And as conditions, homely and trivial in themselves,
sometimes exert an influence on things seemingly beyond their sphere, it
may be that that large hearted, free-handed hospitality for which the
Old South was famed, was in part at least, the result of this feeling of
stability about the domestic foundations.

                                                            H. E. BELIN.

  CHARLESTON, S. C.

                          (_To be continued._)

[Illustration: [Fleuron]]




        ANTHONY WALTON WHITE, BRIGADIER IN THE CONTINENTAL ARMY


The subject of this memoir descended from an ancient and honorable West
of England family, noted for six generations for its military
predilections. The first Anthony of whom we have particulars was a
zealous partisan of Charles I., and left England for Virginia after the
establishment of the Commonwealth; but, stopping at Bermuda, decided to
remain there, where he became a member of the Government. The second
Anthony returned to England and under William III. became a
lieutenant-colonel and served at the battle of the Boyne. In reward for
services, he was appointed a member of the King’s council, and Chief
Justice of the Bermudas; an office which descended to his eldest son,
Leonard, who entered the British Navy and served with distinction. The
third Anthony, Leonard’s eldest son, came to New York about 1715,
married a Miss Staats, and died soon afterwards, on the voyage to
Bermuda. His only son, Anthony (IV.), after holding various civil
offices in the State of New Jersey, entered the army and was a
lieutenant-colonel in 1751. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Lewis
Morris, governor of New Jersey, by whom he had the subject of our
sketch, Anthony, the fifth of the name—his middle name coming from his
godfather, the celebrated William Walton, of the “Walton House,” in the
present Franklin Square, New York City. Anthony was born July 7, 1750,
at the family residence near New Brunswick, N. J.

The family aptitude for officeholding secured him, in due time, several
posts of honor and profit under the Crown, and up to the outbreak of the
Revolution he pursued the ordinary routine life of a country gentleman
of large property; when the hereditary love of arms, and a sincere
attachment to the cause of country, transformed him into the ardent
patriot. In October, 1775, he was appointed an aide to Washington,[8]
and in February, 1776, became Lieutenant-Colonel of the Third N. J.
Battalion. In this capacity he was actively engaged in service at the
North until 1780, when he was transferred to the First Regiment of
Cavalry, and ordered South, to assume general command of the cavalry in
that department.

In July, 1780, despairing of receiving the promised aid from the State
of Virginia, and anxious to join the army under Gates, then in South
Carolina, Colonel White procured on his own personal credit, the funds
necessary to remount and support for a short time, two regiments; with
which he marched to join Gates—fortunately too late to share in the
defeat at Camden (and yet, that same rout might have been a victory, had
a sufficient force of cavalry been among Gates’ men). In 1781, White was
ordered to Virginia to coöperate with Lafayette’s force against
Cornwallis, and several times skirmished with Tarleton. In the winter of
1781–2, he was again in the Carolinas, opposed to him; and in the
operations of Wayne at Savannah, May 21, 1782, Colonel White by his bold
and adroit conduct, contributed largely to the success which followed.
After the evacuation of the city by the enemy, he returned to South
Carolina, and entered Charleston, where his noted generosity was
exemplified by his becoming security for the debts of the officers and
men of his command, who were in want of almost all the necessaries of
life.

They agreed to repay him in tobacco—then the only currency of any stable
value—which was to be delivered to him at Charleston on a fixed date.
Owing partly to the failure of the crop that year, and partly to the
inability of his beneficiaries to carry out their part of the agreement,
he had to part with a large part of his Northern property, at a ruinous
sacrifice. In the spring of 1783, he was married to Margaret Ellis, a
young girl of only fifteen, but who is described as of remarkable
accomplishments, as well as of wealth and beauty. After the conclusion
of hostilities, he returned to the North and settled in New York City to
spend the remainder of his life, as he hoped, in tranquil enjoyment of
well-earned repose, and regain his former affluence; but was unhappily
persuaded by his old army friends to join them in a speculation which,
as the only responsible member of the organization, nearly ruined him as
a result.

In 1793 he removed from New York to his native New Brunswick, where he
spent the rest of his life. He was destined, however, to be once more
called to arms; being appointed by Washington, in 1794, to command the
cavalry in the expedition under Henry Lee, against the Western
insurgents; in the delicate management of which duty, he not only won
the esteem and gratitude of the inhabitants of the region which was the
scene of the insurrection, but the gratitude even of the prisoners whom
he was obliged to take to Philadelphia. He then petitioned Congress for
repayment of the large sums he had advanced to the State of Virginia—but
unsuccessfully; and though his last years were clouded by the loss of
almost all the wealth which was once his, he endured the reverses of
fortune with the courage of an ancient Roman. His homestead at New
Brunswick was frequently the resort of the leading men of the day—and
Kosciuszko was there nursed through a severe sickness, by the
unremitting care of Mrs. White and her daughter, which he gratefully
acknowledged, in letters still owned by the great-granddaughter of
General (as he became) White, Miss Bellita Evans of New Brunswick.
General White was a member of the Society of the Cincinnati,[9] his
insignia of which is now owned by his descendant, Mr. Anthony Walton
White Evans.[10]

General White’s grave, in the cemetery of Christ Church, New Brunswick,
is inscribed:

                     BRIG. GEN. ANTHONY WALTON WHITE,
                         _who departed this life
                      on the 10th of February, 1803
                       in the 53d year of his age,
                  Rests beneath this monumental stone_.

  _He was an affectionate husband, a tender parent, a sincere and
  generous friend, a zealous and inflexible Patriot and a faithful,
  active and gallant officer in the Army of the United States during the
  Revolutionary War._


                                APPENDIX

GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON THE WHITE FAMILY. The ancestor of
the first Anthony White was sent to Virginia by Raleigh in 1587, as
Governor of his colony. Returning the next year with supplies, he was
defeated by Spanish vessels and obliged to return to England. In 1590 he
found the colony of Roanoke deserted. Leonard (probably his son),
emigrated to Virginia in 1620. Governor White’s daughter was Virginia
Dare, the first white child born in the New World. One of his brothers,
Sir John White, also went to Bermuda, probably in 1609, with Sir George
Somers. It was the “terrible tempest” and shipwreck which dispersed this
company which in 1611 suggested to Shakespeare the play of “The
Tempest.” Sir John White married a descendant of Sir Owen Tudor, the
ancestor of Henry VIII. Joanna White, sister of Anthony Walton, born
Nov. 14, 1744, d. s. p. June 26, 1834; third wife of Col. John Bayard
(born Cecil Co., Md., Aug. 11, 1738). He was a member of the Council of
Safety, Speaker of the House of Representatives, in 1785 a member of the
Old Congress in New York. In 1789 he removed from Philadelphia to New
Brunswick; was Mayor there and Judge of the Common Pleas.

He died Jan. 7, 1807, a patriot of spotless life, public and private. He
was the great-great uncle of the late Senator Bayard.

Euphemia White, second sister of Anthony, born Dec. 10, 1746, d. s. p.
Jan. 29, 1832; married Hon. William Paterson (born 1745; grad. N. J.
Coll. 1763. Att’y Gen’l of N. J. in 1775; in 1793 nominated by
Washington Associate Justice of the U. S. Supreme Court; in 1794
Governor of N. J.; died Sept. 9, 1806).

The Staats family was originally from Albany. Dr. Abraham Staes, who
came to New Netherlands in 1642, was the ancestor of the Staats of
to-day, the name having been changed soon afterwards to its present
form. Dr. Samuel Staats, son of Major Abraham Staats of Albany, studied
medicine in Holland. When New York was surrendered to the English, he
returned to Holland, and remained until William III. became King of
England, when he returned to New York, and died there in 1715.

Being appointed by the King to a Government post in Java, he married
there a native princess, by whom he had six daughters, all of whom
married. In May, 1709, he again married—Catharine Hawarden, of New York.
Of the nine children which he had in 1703, the first five were probably
born in Java or Holland. The Princess’ six daughters were: Sarah,
married Isaac Gouverneur in 1704. Their daughter Sarah became the second
wife of Colonel Lewis Morris, of Morrisania. The second daughter married
in 1716, Andrew Coejman, of Coejman’s Manor near Albany, N. Y. The
third, Catalina, was baptized, N. Y., June 16, 1689. The fourth, Anna
Elizabeth, baptized Dec. 21, 1690, married Captain Johannes Schuyler.
The fifth, Joanna, baptized Jan. 31, 1694, married in 1716, Col. Anthony
White, of Bermuda. Her second husband was Admiral Norton Kelsall, R. N.
The sixth, Tryntje, baptized April 5, 1697, was first wife of Col. Lewis
Morris. His second wife was thus Tryntje’s own niece. Two sons were born
of these two marriages—General Lewis Morris, the “Signer,” and
Gouverneur Morris, who were half-brothers. Another brother, General
Staats Morris, married in London, Catherine, Dowager-Duchess of Gordon.
Their grandfather, Lewis Morris, was the first Royal Governor of New
Jersey (1738). He married in 1691, a daughter of James Graham,
Attorney-General of New York. The mother of Margaret Ellis was ——
Vanderhorst, sister of Elias Vanderhorst, American Consul at Bristol,
England, in 1780, who is mentioned in “Thaddeus of Warsaw.” The family
is represented in the United States by the descendants of Major Arnoldus
Vanderhorst of Charleston.

                                                    A. S. GRAHAM,
                                                    ANNA M. W. WOODHULL.

  NEW BRUNSWICK, N. J.

                          (_To be continued._)




                           ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS


                     TWO EIGHTEENTH CENTURY LETTERS

       [_Communicated by Mr. Wm. C. Lane, Librarian of Harvard_]

  (These two letters from Mrs. Delany—Geo. III’s “Dear Mrs. Delany”—were
  addressed to Capt. Henry Hamilton, who, in the autumn of 1778, had led
  the English expedition from Detroit which, by way of the Maumee and
  the Wabash, reached Fort St. Vincent (Vincennes) and surprised and
  captured it.

  The post was soon after surprised and recaptured by the Americans
  under Capt. George Rogers Clark, and Hamilton was carried a prisoner
  to Williamsburg, Va. He remained in captivity eighteen months under
  very harsh conditions, until sent on parole to New York in October,
  1780. An exchange of prisoners was arranged in March, 1781, and
  Hamilton reached England in June of the same year.

  In 1782 he was again in Canada, and on November 15, 1784, when
  Haldimand left Quebec for England, he succeeded him as governor. The
  next summer he was recalled. He was Governor of Bermuda 1788–94, and
  Governor of Dominica from 1794 till his death in 1797.

  Hamilton’s memoirs and the journal of his expedition from Detroit are
  in the Harvard University Library, and will be printed in book
  form.—W. C. L.)

                            S^T. JAMES PLACE [_London_] _7 Feb^y. 1781_.

  _Dear S^r_:

Being offer’d a safe conveyance for my letter, I cannot resist the
opportunity of congratulating you, on your enlargement from your
Horrible Dungeon; you are too just, and generous to your Friends, not to
have felt their anguish on your Sufferings, and fear, it was no small
aggravation to _them_. My exquisite Friend the Duchess Dow^r of
Portland, took every precaution to conceal, what she with real concern,
had heard was your situation, and during the rigor of it, I was ignorant
of what must have griev’d me very much, as I cannot without shuddering
recollect the inhuman treatment you have met with; most heartily I wish
you at perfect Liberty, among your Friends here; tho it may be
presumption in me, to have any expectation, of sharing the joy such an
event would give them; and shou’d not be surpriz’d, if you started at my
well known hand (tho somewhat the worse for the wear) supposing it a
letter rather from the Dead, than the living; but, it has pleas’d God to
Lengthen my Days to an age which commonly is attended with Labour &
Sorrow; of the latter I have had some share of the most grievous kind
that of surviving many Dear and Valuable Friends; but as I trust they
are infinitely happier than I can possibly be on this turbulent spot,
that consoles me and my spirits are still sufficient to enable me to
enjoy my remaining Blessings; among the Number, The Honourable Station
y^r Excellent Brother Sackville possesses, the high esteem he is in with
every Body that can distinguish merit & his Domestick and social
Happiness must gladden the heart of all that know him; I say no more of
the rest of y^r familly as I suppose you have better intelligence from
them; my last acc^{ts}. were satisfactory of all. The Death of our
ingenious Friend and most excellent woman M^{rs}. Ham^n of Summer Hill
had been so long expected from the severity of a long illness that her
release was rather to be wished tho her loss must be lamented. I have
felt much for her good Daughter who I fear has not so cordial a Friend
in her Brother as she truly deserves; her Mother has taken care to leave
her in comfortable and independent circumstanse. Your constant Friend
M^{rs} Sandford has supported a very delicate state of health,
marvellously, and gone thus far with great success in the Education of
her 4 fine Sons; she has been very unhappy ab^t you as she heard how
inhumanly yu had been treated—I know if she was at my Elbow I shou’d be
charged with her affectionate complim^{ts} and wishes to _her_ old
Friend Harry, and think if you were to meet you wou’d still recollect
_your_ old Friend Pooney.

And now it might become me to apologize for so long a letter; but that
would be meer ceremony for I know your good heart too well not to
suppose even so imperfect an account of your Friends will be welcome, I
therefore add before I conclude, that my three Nephews are well tho not
all Happy, my Bro^r Dewes died last summer and has left his Eldest Son
in good circumstances,—my Nephew Bern^d was the Happiest of Men till
deprived some months ago of a most amiable wife; my 3^d Nephew has not a
wish to make being the Husband of an agreeable worthy wife settled to
their hearts’ content at Calwich. My Niece M^{rs} Port mother of 6
Children and consequently full of Parental anxieties but well in
health—you see by trespassing so much on your Friend^p how confident I
am of it—will you hazard a letter to me? if waves and wind are
favourable I may receive it—please God,—before my 82d year is
compleated; and, if not by that time superannuated, it will give sincere
pleasure to Dear S^r

                                        Your affectionate Friend
                                            and obliged hum^{ble} Serv^t
                                                            M. DELANY.

                                               BULSTRODE, _Nov. 25—1784_

  _Dear Sir_:

I fully intended to have given my self the Pleasure of acknowledging
you[r] letter dated the 31 of July a month ago—without any remorse for
the trouble it might give you but flattering my self you woud rather
receive a good account of my Health than an indifferent one—I waited for
that Hour and can assure you I am as well in Health as can reasonably be
expected at my years and to convince you that I am not grown Callous I
am very sensible of you kind solicitude about me. You are well
acquainted with the delices of Bulstrode with the Merits of its Soverign
Lady [the Duchess of Portland]—and the ingaging qualities of Miss
Hamilton (Sir William Hamiltons Niece) who I think you are no Stranger
to—but to do her Justice one must be intimate with her. I would not
venture to say so much tho’ you are at such a distance—as it is a
dangerous subject—were she not an ingaged Person—and perhaps before this
reaches you may be united to one who seems very worthy of such a
Prise—our Pleasant society will soon be Dissipated I fear in less than a
Month—we expect a weeks visit from Mr. Dewes before our departure.
Yesterday Admiral and Miss Forbes made us a visit Just returned from my
Lord Uxbridge’s in Yorkshire, where they had spent 6 weeks. The Admiral
said he had or wou’d write to you soon—I don’t believe there is any
thing in the report of Mr. Gardner being to be married to Miss Forbes
tho’ he has made them a visit at Chaffont [Chalfont]—Mrs. Poole is well
and Happy in Ireland but comes to Town in a month. The last letter from
thence gave a very good account of our Friends there—my kind Friend and
intelligencer Mrs. F. Hamilton is much afflicted I fear on the Death of
Lady Drogheda who died of a Fever about 6 weeks ago—I can tell you no
news—we are intoxicated with Balloons[11] and nothing else at Present
talked of. I Grumble like an old woman at a Project that seems to
promise no advantage but a waste of time and money. My secretary—your
young Friend will be very angry with me that I did not postpone this
letter till she comes to Town which will not be till the end of
Jan^{ry}. At present she is engaged attending her poor Mamma who has
been in a bad state of Health for some months past with nervous
complaints—but I hope is some what better.

The Dutchess Dowager of Portland desires me to make Her best compliments
to you—she is much obligd to you for the fossils you intend sending her.
I dont doubt but she will find some among them worthy of a place in her
Cabinet. Her Grace’s eager Pursuit at present is Land and River
Shells—to compleat her Collection. Those that are most common in your
Country may be rair and acceptable to her provided they come with their
natural surtouts and inhabitants—upon recollection I believe I am
mistaken in saying you are acquainted with Miss Hamilton—she tells me
she never had the pleasure of meeting you at my House—I hope that time
may come tho’ a presumptions Expectation from Dear Sir your very old but
sincere Friend and Humble Servant

                                                              M. DELANY.

P S—Pray write me a long letter soon delays are dangerous


                 THE PANAMA CANAL TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AGO
           LETTER OF THE LATE SENATOR DOOLITTLE OF WISCONSIN

            [_Contributed by Duane Mowry, Esq., Milwaukee._]

  [The Senator’s views on his subject are interesting and pertinent in
  view of recent events on the Isthmus—ED.]

                                              CHICAGO, _March 26, 1880_.

  M. FERDINAND DE LESSEPS.

  _Dear Sir_:

I have just returned to my office from the house of Mr. Washburn, where
I had the honor to meet Madame de Lesseps,—an honor and pleasure wholly
unexpected to me.

I went to see Mr. Washburn for the purpose of conferring with him in
relation to yourself and the great International Canal through the
Isthmus of Panama.

Mr. Washburn was absent. But Mrs. Washburn very kindly invited me to
stay and lunch with them. As we had been in Congress twelve years
together, he in the House, and I in the Senate from Wisconsin, and as
our families were so well acquainted at Washington, I could not decline
her invitation, especially as it would give me such an opportunity to
make the acquaintance of your excellent wife.

But what I wanted to say to Mr. Washburn and have him join me in saying
to you, is thus: I am not satisfied with the Message of President Hayes
upon the subject of the Isthmus routes.

While I am, as an American citizen, prepared to stand by the Monroe
doctrine, so far as it opposes the _control_ of these routes by Great
Britain or any other power, I do not think the Monroe doctrine goes so
far as to assert that we as the great Republic of the New World propose
to take the control into our hands.

While we may be more interested in that route than any other nation, we
cannot assert for ourselves what we are unwilling to allow to other
nations,—the domination of the route, which, from its position on the
earth, of right belongs to all mankind.

So long as we assert the doctrine of President Monroe we stand upon the
defensive. We stand for the freedom of the seas. Our policy, our
traditions, our arms will maintain that.

But if we assert the doctrine of President Hayes, we leave the ground on
which Monroe stood and upon which our people would stand solid, even to
the point of war, and we place ourselves in antagonism to the very idea
which makes the Monroe Doctrine strong among our own people, and strong
throughout the world.

If we follow Mr. Hayes, instead of defending the freedom of the seas we
dominate the Isthmus ourselves, and lay our hands upon the commerce of
the World.

When this subject comes to be discussed, calmly (but I fear that cannot
be until the next President election is over), the sound sober thought
of our people will repudiate this new departure of Mr. Hayes, and will
sustain the Monroe Doctrine, in its true meaning, viz:

That the routes across the Isthmus, between North and South America,
shall not pass under the domination of any foreign power to levy tribute
upon our commerce nor upon the commerce of any other nation.

The Isthmus of Panama, the Isthmus of Suez, and the Bosphorus, ought to
be free channels of commerce to all nations in peace, and in war; and no
less in war than in peace. And the law of nations should provide that if
any nation shall attempt to close or blockade them in peace _or in war_,
that nation should be treated as having made war upon the commerce of
all other nations.

As I go to my home in Wisconsin this evening and shall not be able to
meet you, I beg to say that I hope you will not be discouraged in your
great work. The people of America will be in sympathy with you, upon the
basis that no control shall ever be permitted to any government, and
that its freedom shall be guaranteed by the civilized nations, both in
peace and in war.

          With great respect,
                          I am very truly yours,
                                              J. R. DOOLITTLE.


            THE EARLIEST KNOWN AUTOGRAPH OF BENEDICT ARNOLD

  (The original letter is owned in New York City. It it particularly
  interesting as showing Arnold’s dual trade—in books as well as drugs.
  A few of the characters are almost illegible, and we do not guarantee
  our correct transcription of them. It is also in evidence from the
  body of the letter that the “servant-girl question” was alive in
  1765.—ED.)

                                            NEW HAVEN, _March_ 2d, 1765.

  _Sir_

Your favour of the 28^{th} ult^o came duly to hand—am much obliged to
you for your Trouble in sending me a Maid—but had engaged one for Six
Months before this came. Mr. W^m Johnston wrote me word that Mrs. Hobby
Imagined the maid you have send (_sic_) was not able to do our business
upon which we Engaged an other—as the Girl is willing to return and says
it will be no disapointment (_sic_) we have Sent her back again.

I have cred^t your acc. ¹⁹⁄₆ according to your desire & have sent you

                     —Vitriol ʒ2 9^d           1.6
                     Liqu-Laud Sy^d ʒ2p.  ⅙    3.9
                     Stoper Vial ½
                        Common Vial 2^d        1.4
                                            ——————
                                            £0.0.7

  N. B.—(illegible)
  I shall have in a day or two.
        The Books you wrote for are Sold.

                                                  I am Sir
                                                  Your oblig^d Serv^t
                                                  Bened^t Arnold.

                                                  To Dr. John Dickinson,
                                                  Middletown,
                                                  [Conn.]




                    THE MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY


Which was founded in 1877, ceased to appear in 1893, not long after the
death of Mrs. MARTHA J. LAMB, who had then been its editor for nearly
ten years; and has never since been equalled, until the present time. A
legal obstacle preventing the word “American” in connection with the
title, the present Magazine will bear the name of

             THE MAGAZINE OF HISTORY, WITH NOTES AND QUERIES.

(The latter phrase formed a part of the title of the Magazine of
American History in 1880, and is adopted as peculiarly descriptive of an
important part of the new publication.)

The Publisher (who will act as Editor for the present) desires it to be
understood that this difference in title does not indicate any
difference in the character or contents of the Magazine. It will be as
near an exact duplicate of the original Magazine of American History in
form, size—even in type,—as is possible, while the character and scope
of its contents will be the same as won for the former in the past such
approval as is found in the following paragraphs, taken from many such
in one year:

  “This periodical is without a rival in its domain, and is becoming
  indispensable to all intelligent readers. It is an unfailing source of
  historical and documentary evidence of the growth and expansion of our
  vast country.”—_Christian Advocate._

  “It is more than a periodical; it gathers into permanent and
  accessible form material that would otherwise be lost, or only found
  with great effort. Its articles are uniformly well written, and the
  illustrations and print complete the attractiveness of the
  magazine.”—_New York Commercial Advertiser._

  “This magazine is one of the best periodicals in America.”—_New York
  Tribune._

  “It is always a pleasure to welcome the MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY,
  with its antiquarian interest, its historical and biographical value,
  its fine type and paper, and its antique illustrations.”—_Brooklyn
  Eagle._

  “Each number presents an admirable collection of papers, and maintains
  the high character of the gifted editor, who, in her history of New
  York city, displayed the highest qualities of an author. The magazine
  is as instructive as it is entertaining.”—_Scientific American._

  “This publication has steadily increased in interest. It fills a niche
  of its own, and fills it so admirably as to ward off any attempt at
  competition.”—_Baltimore American._

  “The editor is giving great dignity to our country in recording the
  lives of families that are noble in the highest sense.”—_Boston
  Globe._

  “This periodical richly deserves the high rank accorded to it by
  leading historical scholars in the two hemispheres.”—_Boston
  Transcript._

  “It is crowded with facts of historical interest. The editor is
  remarkably at home with her subject, and her selections are made with
  a thorough appreciation of the wants of her readers.”—_Manufacturers’
  Review._

  “It is beyond all question the most admirable historical periodical
  published. It is filled with articles prepared after long research by
  prominent students of history, and original documents never before
  published appear from time to time, adding to its value.”—_Detroit
  Commercial Advertiser._

  “It is rich in illustration and its make-up is of the highest order.
  Its articles are on subjects of real interest and value to all
  students of American history.”—_Westminster Teacher._

In the February number will appear an interesting Lincoln article, by
Mr. F. E. Stevens, author of “The Black Hawk War.” It will be
illustrated with two heretofore unknown portraits of contemporaries of
Mr. Lincoln. There will also be a valuable article by Dr. Thomas Addis
Emmet, on “Some Popular Myths of American History,” which will also
contain an unpublished letter of Washington’s of peculiar interest.

A specific department—of Genealogy—not found in the M. A. H. will be
added to the others, under the able care of Mr. William Prescott
Greenlaw, the well-known Librarian of the New England Historic
Genealogic Society. This will afford an excellent opportunity for such
queries, which are usually inserted only in periodicals issued at much
longer intervals than monthly.

During the next six months there will appear a series of articles on the
Progress of Discovery of the Mississippi River, by Mr. Warren Upham,
Secretary of the Minnesota Historical Society—as follows:

1. The Voyage of Vespucci past the mouths of the Mississippi.

2. De Soto and Moscoso on the Mississippi, 1541–3.

3. The expedition of Oñate, 1601.

4. Groseillers and Radisson, 1655–6 and 1660; besides a variety of other
articles, covering the whole field of our country’s history; and a
number of articles of less length, from the various writers who have
offered their assistance to make the Magazine as interesting and
valuable as its title and aim demand.

All that is necessary to insure the permanence of this most valuable
publication is a hundred subscriptions, in addition to those pledged or
already received. Towards this consummation, the various institutions of
learning, as well as the old subscribers, are requested to lend their
aid. Specimen copies will be sent on receipt of the price, 50 cents.
Address the publisher.

The publication of this, the first number, has been delayed by having to
change printers at the last moment; but after the March number shall
have appeared, it is expected to publish regularly before the 15th of
each month.




                              GENEALOGICAL

  All communications for this department (including genealogical
  publications for review) should be sent to William Prescott Greenlaw,
  address: Sudbury, Mass., from April to November, inclusive;
  Commonwealth Hotel, Bowdoin St., Boston, Mass., from December to
  March, inclusive.


                                QUERIES

  [A limited number of queries will be inserted for subscribers free; to
  all others a charge of one cent per word (payable in stamps) will be
  made.]

_1. a._ WEBB—Wanted, the date of birth, baptism, or proof of parentage
of Nathaniel Webb, Sr., of Woolwich, Me., who married Jane, dau. of
Samuel and Jane (Derby) Blanchard, of Weymouth, Mass.

_b._ BLANCHARD, PHILLIPS—John Blanchard, b. at Weymouth, Mass., March
27, 1660, son of Nathaniel, is said to have married Abigail, dau. of
Nicholas Phillips. Nicholas Phillips, of Weymouth, and Nicholas
Phillips, of Boston, both had daughters Abigail of the right age to
marry Blanchard. Which was her father?

                                                                   G. 1.

_2. a._ DERBY—Wanted, the birth and parentage of John Derby, Darby, or
Darbyshear, who moved from Dunstable to Groton about 1705, and died
before 1725. He married about 1697 Mary Blanchard, of Dunstable, and had
children Mary, William, and James.

_b._ BLANCHARD—Mary (Blanchard) married for her second husband Nathaniel
Wood. She was the daughter of John^3 (Samuel,^2 Thomas^1) Blanchard and
Hannah ——. Wanted: the birth of Mary Blanchard, the maiden name of her
mother, Hannah, and the record of Hannah’s birth, parentage and
marriage.

_c._ BURR—A certain Samuel Gault, (or Galt, Gaalt, etc.), born about
1780, married about 1810 Mercy Burr, “a Green Mountain girl,” who is
supposed to have been born about 1790. Their first child, James
Washington Burr Gault, was born in 1812, in or near Smithfield, Madison
Co., N. Y. Wanted: birth, marriage, and parentage of Mercy Burr.

_d._ GAULT—Samuel Gault was the son of Alexander Gault, a Scotch-Irish
immigrant who has a Revolutionary record. Wanted: birth record of Samuel
Gault and any information about his parents.

_e._ WILDER—The “Book of the Wilders,” p. 283, says: “There is a church
record in Northampton that states that, ‘Catherine, daughter of
Catherine and Aholiab Wilder, was baptized in 1741,’ which is all that
we can learn of his [Aholiab’s] wife.” Their children were Catherine,
Aholiab, Daniel Witherby, Samuel, and Joshua. Who was Catherine, and
when and where did she marry Aholiab Wilder?

_f._ BROWN-SHELDON—The “Index of the Births, Marriages, and Deaths,
Recorded in Providence,” p. 109, Marriages, gives: “Brown, John, and
Sarah Sheldon, Jan. 3, 1747. 1:18.” Wanted: parentage of John Brown, and
of Sarah Sheldon.

_g._ BULLOCK—Who was Comfort Bullock, born in Rehoboth, Mar. 9, 1762,
married 1st to Sybil Pierce, of Dartmouth, Dec. 19, 1784, and 2d, in
Rehoboth, Dec. 4, 1788, to Bethia Bowen? He was said to have been the
son of the Comfort Bullock who was born at Barrington in 1741 and
married to Holmes Whitman in 1768, but this Comfort proves to have been
a girl, and Holmes Whitman, her husband. The date of birth of the first
named Comfort is from family records which do not give his parentage.

                                                                   B. 1.

_3. a._ MAVERICK—Was Moses Maverick, of Marblehead, a son of Rev. John
Maverick, of Dorchester? Is there any known evidence that Moses was a
brother of the King’s Commissioner, Samuel Maverick, of Noddles Island?
Moses was admitted Freeman at Dorchester in 1633 while Rev. John was
minister there, a fact indicating relationship, but I can find no
positive evidence. Savage and Palfrey did not believe that Samuel was
son of Rev. John, but perhaps some later investigator has found
conclusive evidence one way or the other.

                                                                   S. 1.

_4. a._ QUINCEY—“Col.” Edmund^2 (Edmund^1) of Braintree, b. 1627, d.
Jan. 7, 1697–8. He was a Major in the 1690 Expedition. Is there good
authority for the title Colonel? Is the date of his commission known?

_b._ COGAN—What relationship existed between Mr. John Cogan, of Boston,
who died 27 April, 1658. Henry Coggin, of Barnstable, who died 16 June,
1649, and John Coggin who m. Mary Long, of Charlestown, Dec. 24, 1664?
Please give references.

_c._ SLOPER—Proof wanted of the parentage of Mary Sloper who married in
Boston, Apr. 3, 1751, Thomas Uran, of Boston. Ambrose Sloper, of
Portsmouth, N. H., deeded land, 1758, to his sons Ambrose and Richard,
of Boston. Mary (Sloper) Urann’s first child was named Ambrose Sloper
and another, Richard; she died in Boston, Nov. 28, 1815, aged 85. Can
she have been a daughter of Ambrose^2 Sloper, (Richard^1) b. 20 Jan.,
1684, and Mary Pickering?

_d._ ROGERS—Joanna, born Dec. 30, 1722; m. Dec. 30, 1750, Elisha^5
Morse, of Foxboro, Mass. (See Morse Memorial, 1850: p. 57.) Who were her
parents?

_e._ LEWIS—Maiden name and parentage of Jane ——, who m. Thomas^3 Lewis
(Thomas,^2 George^1) of Eastham and Falmouth, Mass. He was b. July 15,
1656, and d. Mar. 19, 1718.

_f._ BICKFORD-YOUNG—Jeremiah Bickford and Hannah Young were m. in
Eastham 26 Oct., 1705. Would like proofs of the parentage of both and
any information relating to John Bickford, of Dover, who testified,
Mar., 1669, “aged 60 years or thereabouts,” and Samuel Bickford,
variously called of Salisbury, Amesbury, and Newbury, who testified
1669, “aged about 21,” and Jan. 9, 1667, “aged 27.” This Samuel (see
Hoyt’s Salisbury and Amesbury Families) married Mary Cottle about 1667,
and went to Nantucket.

                                                                   E. 1.

_5. a._ HALE—Samuel Hale, of Dana and Holland, Mass., cooper, married
first (intentions Dec. 23, 1773, Petersham), Elizabeth Green, of Granby;
married second, between 1788 and 1790, a widow Abigail ——. Samuel Hale
died Sept. 4, 1813, age 67, Abigail, his wife, died March 12, 1820, age
71; gravestones in Dana Center, Mass. Wanted: ancestry of Samuel Hale
and his second wife, Abigail.

_b._ PRATT—Wanted, parents’ names and date of birth of Anna Pratt who
married July 7, 1747, John Stone, Jr., in Groton, Mass.

_c._ PARKER—Wanted, date of birth and ancestry of Aaron Parker, of
Oxford, Mass., who was married to Abigail Covel, June, 1752.

_d._ ELDREDGE—Wanted, ancestry and date of birth of Samuel Eldredge who
married about 1804 Sarah Emery, b. Aug. 7, 1785, and lived in
Middlebury, Vt.

_e._ OSBORN—Wanted, date of birth and ancestry of Ephraim Osborn, of
Fitchburg, Mass., who married Sarah Fisk, November 26, 1759.

_f._ HAZZARD—Wanted, ancestry of Mary Hazzard, born Vermont, 1791,
married Samuel Blanchard, who was a soldier in the War of 1812.

_g._ HODGE—Wanted, date of birth and ancestry of Elizabeth Hodge who
married in or near Boston, Gen. Robert Earll, who served in War of 1812,
from New York State.

                                                                   T. 1.

_6. a._ STETSON—Who was Elizabeth, wife of Isaac Stetson, of Pembroke?
They were probably married about 1704 or ’5. The eldest child was
Abisha.

_b._ RAY-SMITH—Parents wanted of Samuel Ray and his wife Miriam Smith
who were married at Wrentham, 1713.

_c._ WATERS—Who was the wife of William Waters, who came early to
Boston? Their marital troubles were “aired” in General Court and she
finally went back to England. The son, William Waters, was in 1665, or
earlier, “Clerk of Writs” at Dameril’s Cove. Whom did he marry?

_d._ LINCOLN—Who were the parents of Elizabeth Lincoln, who married
Elisha Bonney, of Pembroke, Mass., in 1728?

                                                                   S. 2.

_7. a._ ELLISON—Ancestry desired of Edward Ellison, who removed from
Uxbridge, Mass., to Chester, Vt., his son Josiah being born there, Nov.
5, 1800.

_b._ LUND—Ancestry desired of Eliza Ann Lund, born Oct. 2, 1805,
Philadelphia, Pa.; according to tradition family supposed to be of
Nantucket or Martha’s Vineyard.

_c._ HARLOW—Ancestry desired of Levi Harlow, born about 1747; he was of
Tauton, Mass., in 1783, and died, Springfield, Vt., June 30, 1832.

_d._ COBB—Ancestry desired of Silence Cobb wife of Levi Harlow, born
about 1747 and died, Springfield, Vt., June 27, 1831.

                                                                   E. 2.




                              MINOR TOPICS


                   A COMMITTEE TO VISIT NOVA SCOTIA.

  _By His Excellency, Geo. Washington, Esq., Commander-in-Chief of the
    United Colonies._

  TO MOSES CHILD:

The Honorable, the Continental Congress, having lately passed a Resolve,
contained in the following words, to wit:—“That two persons be sent at
the expense of the Colonies to Nova Scotia, to inquire into the state of
that Colony, the disposition of the inhabitants towards the American
cause and the condition of the fortifications, dockyards, the quantity
of the warlike stores and the number of soldiers, sailors, and ships of
war there and to transmit the earliest intelligence to Gen. Washington.”

I do hereby constitute and appoint you the said Moses Child to be one of
the persons to undertake this business, and as the season is late and
this a work of great importance, I entreat and request that you will use
the utmost despatch, attention and fidelity in the execution of it. The
necessity of acting with a proper degree of caution and secrecy is too
apparent to need recommendation. You will keep an accurate account of
your expenses, and upon your return you will be rewarded in a suitable
manner for the fatigue of your journey and the service you render your
country by conducting and discharging the business with expedition and
fidelity. Given under my hand this 24th day of November, 1775.

                                                      GEORGE WASHINGTON.

  Moses Child, born Waltham, Mass., Apr. 6, 1731; died Feb. 8, 1793.

  He was appointed Special Agent of the United Colonies by virtue of the
  above commission.

  The original of the above is in Historic Genealogical Society, Boston,
  Mass.

[Where can any full account of the results of this mission be
found?—ED.]




                              BOOK NOTICES


  DESCENDANTS OF REINOLD AND MATTHEW MARVIN, OF HARTFORD, CT., 1638, AND
    1635. SONS OF EDWARD MARVIN OF GREAT BENTLEY, ENGLAND. By GEORGE
    FRANKLIN MARVIN, of New York, and WILLIAM T. R. MARVIN, of Boston.
    T. R. MARVIN AND SON, Publishers, 73 Federal Street, Boston, 1904.
    8vo. 659 pages.

Not many families can expect the publication of their genealogies under
more favorable auspices. Mr. William T. R. Marvin, the joint-author,
printer and publisher of this book, inherited the traditions of his art,
and his taste for genealogical studies from his father, who, nearly half
a century ago, printed a genealogy of the Marvins. A comparison of that
little duodecimo of 56 pages with this later volume shows the marked
progress made during the last half century in the arts of compiling and
printing family histories. The vital details of all branches of the
family, beginning with the English ancestry and extending through nine
generations in America have been gathered with scrupulous care, and the
biographical memoranda presented have been selected with discrimination.
The arrangement of the data, the illustrations, the complete index, and
all of the details of book-making are such as one would expect from an
educated man, having a deep interest in the subject and a lifelong
experience as a genealogist and a printer. This book may well be taken
for a model by anyone contemplating the publication of a genealogy....


                         THE STEBBINS GENEALOGY

  BY RALPH STEBBINS GREENLEE AND ROBERT LEMUEL GREENLEE. In two volumes.
    Chicago, Illinois. Privately printed, 1904. 4to. 1386 pages.

These two magnificent volumes are devoted to Rowland Stebbins (who died
at Northampton, Mass. December 14, 1671), and his descendants. A study
of the name in England is presented, but no positive connection of the
immigrant is shown. The compilation was made under the direction of a
Chicago genealogist, Mr. Edward A. Claypool, and the work was printed in
Chicago. Both compilation and printing seem to be very well done. One of
the first genealogies printed in New England (1771) was of a branch of
this family. The paper used is of an excellent quality, and, while the
size and weight of these massive volumes is against durability, it is
probable that they will long survive many of the genealogies of recent
years where little or no care has been exercised in the selection of
paper.

All of the descendants of the hardy pioneer settler of the Connecticut
Valley, whose race furnished a pioneer genealogist, have good reasons to
be thankful to the Messrs. Greenlee for their splendid history of the
family.




                         ANNOUNCEMENTS FOR 1905


I expect to publish within the coming twelve months several interesting
items of Americana, viz:

  I.—THE HISTORY OF THE SECOND COMPANY, GOVERNOR’S FOOT-GUARD of the
  State of Connecticut; by Jason Thomson, Esq., of the New Haven Bar (a
  member of the Company). This was originally issued as a pamphlet, but
  has long been out of print. The Company is the third oldest military
  organization in the United States, beginning its history with service
  in the Revolution when Benedict Arnold, its first captain, took the
  Colony powder by force from the hesitant Selectmen of New Haven, and
  marched to Cambridge, accompanied by Israel Putnam, to join the
  patriot forces there. It has since served in the War of 1812, the War
  of the Rebellion, and the Spanish-Cuban War. The history of such an
  organization is obviously well worth preserving and enlarging by
  illustrations, as I have done. It will contain:

    1. A rare plate of Benedict Arnold, in uniform, as he appeared
    before _Quebec_.

    2. A colored plate, showing the present uniform of the Company.

    3. A most interesting reproduction of a document of unique
    interest—the original manuscript petition to the Assembly of
    Connecticut, praying for the incorporation of the Company. This is
    signed by all the original members of the Company, including Arnold
    and his brother-in-law, Pierpont Edwards, who afterwards, by the
    irony of Fate, became the executor of his estate, at the discovery
    of his treason.

    The original is owned by the New Haven Colony Historical Society,
    and will be reproduced, not by engraving, but by an actual
    photograph—folding to fit the size of the page. The edition will be
    limited to 250 copies, of which 248 will be for sale.

    200 will be octavo (6 × 9) gilt top, bound in cloth. $3.00.

    50 will be large paper, bound in boards, 8 × 11, untrimmed edges,
    gilt top, special paper. $5.00.

    _Postage extra on each._

    The printing will be from type, distributed as soon as the work has
    been done, and this edition will never be duplicated.

  II.—THE POEMS OF EDWARD COATE PINKNEY. With a biographical sketch of
  of the poet, by Eugene L. Didier, author of a “Life of Edgar A. Poe,”
  “Life of Madame Bonaparte,” etc. The original edition of these poems
  is now one of the rarest items of Americana. It was published in 1825,
  and won the admiration of the chief American critics, Poe among them,
  who pronounced Pinkney to be “the first of American lyrists,” and his
  poem, “_A Health_,” (of which I give two verses herewith) “especially
  beautiful—full of spirit and brilliancy.”

                                 A HEALTH

   I fill this cup to one made up of loveliness alone,
     A woman, of her gentle sex the seeming paragon;
   To whom the better elements and kindly stars have given
     A form so fair that, like the air, ’tis less of earth than heaven.

   Her every tone is music’s own, like those of morning birds,
     And something more than melody dwells ever in her words;
   The coinage of her heart are they, and from her lips each flows
     As one may see the burthened bee forth issue from the rose.

  Only Pinkney’s untimely death—before he was twenty-five—prevented his
  becoming one of the foremost poets of our country. The _North American
  Review_, then the highest literary authority in the country, said: “If
  the name of Thomas Carew or Sir John Harrington had been attached to
  these poems, we should, in all probability, like others, have been
  completely taken in.” Another critic declared: “Some of his poems are
  not surpassed by any similar productions in the English language.” I
  risk nothing in saying that Pinkney’s readers of 1905 will re-echo
  these praises—and I trust all who have heretofore sustained me in my
  historical publications will give as hearty support to this, my first
  effort in the field of American poetry. The edition will consist of
  250 copies, of which 200 will be in octavo (6 × 9) form, gilt top,
  uncut edges, at $3.00.

  50 copies, on special paper, large paper (8 x 11). $5.00.

_Postage extra on each._

EACH STYLE WILL HAVE A PORTRAIT OF THE AUTHOR, from an authentic
original.

  III.—ADVENTURES IN THE WILDS OF AMERICA AND THE BRITISH-AMERICAN
  PROVINCES. By Charles Lanman, author of _A Dictionary of Congress_,
  _The Private Life of Daniel Webster_, etc., etc. With an Appendix by
  Lieut. Campbell Hardy, Royal Artillery.

    2 vols., octavo. 500 pp. each. Illustrated. Portrait, and memoir of
    the author by William Abbatt. Price $10.00.

    Large paper (8 x 11) 3 vols. (consecutive paging), special fine
    paper. Only 15 copies. $20.00.

    Originally published in 1857, this most valuable and interesting
    work has long been out of print and scarce, and hence not known to
    the present day as its merits deserve.

    While other books on similar subjects have been issued since, I
    think none of them—or all combined—equal this, as a record not alone
    of sport, but of travel, description of scenery, literature and
    legend (for the author has recorded many most beautiful Indian
    legends). The range of his journeys was from Florida to Labrador,
    and from the Atlantic to the present St. Paul and Minneapolis. His
    style needs no encomium from me. I prefer to quote from letters to
    him from WASHINGTON IRVING and EDWARD EVERETT:

  MY DEAR SIR:

I am glad to learn that you intend to publish your narrative and
descriptive writings, in a collected form. I have read parts of them as
they were published separately, and the great pleasure derived from the
perusal makes me desirous of having the whole in my possession. They
carry us into the fastnesses of our mountains, the depth of our forests,
the watery wilderness of our lakes and rivers, giving us pictures of
savage life and savage tribes, Indian legends, fishing and hunting
anecdotes, the adventures of trappers and backwoodsmen; our whole
arcanum, in short, of indigenous poetry and romance: to use a favorite
phrase of the old discoverers, “they lay open the secrets of the country
to us.”

I return you thanks for the delightful entertainment which your Summer
rambles have afforded me. I do not see that I have any literary advice
to give you, excepting to keep on as you have begun. You seem to have
the happy, enjoyable humor of old Izaak Walton, and I trust you will
give us still further scenes and adventures on our great internal
waters, depicted with the freshness and skill of your present volumes.

With the best wishes for your further success, I am

                                          Very truly, your obliged

                                                      WASHINGTON IRVING.

  EDWARD EVERETT wrote:

I fully concur with the opinions expressed by Mr. Irving on the subject
of a collective edition of your narrative and descriptive writings.
While I am not familiar with all of them, from those which I have read
and from his emphatic and discriminating commendation, I am confident
the series would be welcomed by a large class of readers. You have
explored nooks in our scenery seldom visited, and described forms of
life and manners of which the greater portion of our busy population are
entirely ignorant.

Wishing you every success, I am

                                                     Very truly yours,

                                                         EDWARD EVERETT.

    A selection of a few of Mr. Lanman’s chapters will give a slight
    idea of the variety of his book:

    Legends of the Illinois—Lake Winnipeg—Fish of the Upper
    Mississippi—Down the St. Lawrence—The Saguenay River—The Hermit of
    Aroostook—The Falls of Tallulah—The Valley of Virginia—The Cheat
    River Country—Tombigbee and Black Warrior Rivers—Accomac—A Week in a
    Fishing Smack—A Virginia Barbecue—Esquimaux of Labrador—The Western
    Pioneer.

  IV.—GARDEN’S ANECDOTES OF THE REVOLUTION (both series). The author,
  Alexander Garden, was Major in Lee’s Legion—and his work is one of the
  best on its theme. The first volume was published at Charleston, in
  1822; the second in 1824. Each is scarce and valuable, the second
  particularly so. I propose revising the text, to eliminate errors, and
  to issue my edition in two octavo volumes (6 x 9) with a number of
  illustrations, including one or more of the author, and one each of
  the brothers Pinckney (not heretofore published), and a number of
  landscapes.

    The edition will be limited to 200 copies (6 × 9) and 50, large
    paper (8 x 11)—the former in cloth, gilt top, with paper label; the
    latter in charcoal boards, gilt top, and untrimmed edges. The prices
    will be $10.00 and $15.00 respectively.

  N. B.—All these works will be printed in large type (Small Pica, same
  as this line) on fine paper, well bound and produced in the general
  style of my other publications. Address, William Abbatt, 281 Fourth
  Ave., N. Y.

                           SUBSCRIPTION FORM

                          _TO_ WILLIAM ABBATT
                       281 FOURTH AVE., NEW YORK

I HEREBY SUBSCRIBE FOR:—

     I. The Governor’s Foot-Guard

                                             _____Copies, ordinary form_
                                             _____Copies, large paper_

     II. The Poems of Edward Coate Pinkney

                                             _____Copies, ordinary form_
                                             _____Copies, large paper_

     III. Adventures in the Wilds of America, _by Lanman_

     (_3 Volumes_)

                                             _____Copies, ordinary form_
                                             _____Copies, large paper_

IV. Garden’s Anecdotes of the Revolution

     (_The two series in one volume_)

                                             _____Copies, ordinary form_
                                             _____Copies, large paper_

                         _Name_________________________________
                               _Address_________________________________
                         _Date_________________________________

-----

Footnote 1:

   In all probability that bullet saved Quebec. Had Arnold not been
   disabled, his energy and daring would have successfully carried
   through the attack on the second barricade.

   All his subsequent history shows this.

   The attack on Quebec failed from four causes: the extraordinary
   inclemency of the weather, the death of Montgomery, the precipitate
   retreat by order of Lieut.-Col. Campbell, who was next in rank, and
   the disabling of Arnold.

   The first was contributory only, and the second would not have been
   conclusive but for Campbell—an officer of whose subsequent career
   absolutely nothing appears of record.

   The fourth was the deciding blow. Even Morgan lacked the decision
   which would have led Arnold to carry the (second) barricade at all
   hazards—and that carried, the third must have fallen and with it the
   city. Had Arnold so much as suspected Morgan’s inaction, it is
   certain he would have remained in the field, and personally directed
   the assault in which he could not join.

   It was his first and last failure. Valcour Island, Saratoga,
   Ridgefield—all exhibit the vigor of him of whom Mr. Codman justly
   remarks: “Arnold, with the exception of Ethan Allen, seems beyond all
   others, to have understood the value of rapid action at the beginning
   of (he might have said, throughout) a war.—ED.

Footnote 2:

   The official reply to the governor’s message expresses this shrewd
   inference in prose thus: “But we hope Great Brittaine & the other
   Powers of Europe may mediate and divert the War with which we are
   alarm’d & conclude it in a happy and lasting Peace, and this we
   believe in as much as your Excell^y doth not mention in your Speech
   that the advice you rec^d in the last ships was from the ministry of
   Great Brittaine who this House apprehends would have sent forward
   their Directions had they conceived any immediate Danger of a War.”

Footnote 3:

   Polls and Estates.

Footnote 4:

   December 3, 1730, the House passed acts for raising £6000 for the
   repair of Fort William and Mary and for building a state house, and
   for removing three of the courts of general quarter sessions of the
   peace and the inferior courts of common pleas from Portsmouth to
   Exeter, Hampton, and Dover. The same day the governor in council
   approved the act for removing the courts, but no action was taken on
   the money bill.

Footnote 5:

   The same day, March 10, the governor, in anger, dissolved the
   assembly, intending thereby “to give his Maj^{ties} good subjects an
   opportunity of sending such to represent them in the next Assembly as
   will do all in their Power to retrieve the Injustice you have
   practiced in not paying the Publick Debts; and those that will
   promote peace & a good agreem^t amongst all Branches of the
   Legislature.”

Footnote 6:

   This refers to the disputed boundary between New Hampshire and
   Massachusetts, which had been in controversy for many years, and was
   then in an acute stage. See the governor’s message, _ante_.

Footnote 7:

   Capt. John Rindge was appointed by the House to be agent of the
   province to present the boundary line controversy to the home
   government in England, but the appointment was not recognized by the
   council.

Footnote 8:

   Anthony Walton White, Major and Aide-de-Camp to General Washington,
   October, 1775; Lieutenant-Colonel Third Battalion, First
   Establishment, February 9, 1776; Lieutenant-Colonel Fourth Regiment
   Light Dragoons, Continental Army, February 13, 1777; (this regiment
   appears to have performed its services mostly in the South, where the
   commanding officer achieved a national reputation as a brilliant
   cavalry leader); Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant First Regiment,
   Dragoons, December 10, 1779; Colonel, February 16, 1780.—_Official
   Register, N. J. in the Revn._ Stryker.

Footnote 9:

   Mrs. Lamb, in her “History of the City of New-York,” gives an account
   of the grand procession three days before the adoption of the Federal
   Constitution by New York, July 23, 1788 (the State Convention did not
   adopt it till July 26): “Mounted on a fine gray horse, elegantly
   caparisoned, and led by two negroes in oriental costume, Anthony
   Walton White bore the arms of the United States in sculpture,
   preceding the Society of the Cincinnati, in full uniform.”

Footnote 10:

   The insignia is that once owned by Kosciuszko, who exchanged his own
   with Gen. White, on the occasion of his return to the United States
   in 1798. Thus there is now in the possession of Mr. Evans the
   identical badge which was worn by the brave Pole on the battlefields
   of Poland in 1794, where as history tells us he rivalled Washington
   in his strategy and intrepidity, though alas, not in the ultimate
   success of his patriotic cause.

Footnote 11:

   The Montgolfiers and François Blanchard were then making aeronautics
   the fashionable wonder of the day, and the latter, with Dr. John
   Jeffries, of Boston, had just made the first crossing of the Channel
   to France, in a balloon.

------------------------------------------------------------------------




                           TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES


 Page Changed from                     Changed to

   58 tiful—full of spirit and         beautiful—full of spirit and
      brilliancy                       brilliancy

 ● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
 ● Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last
     chapter.
 ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
 ● The caret (^) serves as a superscript indicator, applicable to
     individual characters (like 2^d) and even entire phrases (like
     1^{st}).



*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 74062 ***